CHEYENNE, Wyo. -- As Mother's Day draws near, a
new survey conducted by the Institute for Women's Policy Research offers a clearer picture of what women in Wyoming and across the nation really want.

C. Nicole Mason, president and CEO of the Institute, pointed out women have been disproportionately affected by the COVID-fueled economic downturn, and researchers polled more than 1,400 women on their economic concerns and policy priorities for the new administration and Congress.

"This year, moms want a little bit more than breakfast in bed," Mason stated. "They want paid sick leave, they want equal pay for equal work, they want child care. They want all the things they haven't had for so long."

The Biden administration's American Families Plan, part of a larger economic recovery package, includes federal child-care assistance, paid family leave and other family-work supports as essential infrastructure.

Critics in Congress said the price tag for Biden's proposals is too high, and argued infrastructure spending should only include investments in fixing the nation's roads, bridges and other works traditionally paid for by taxpayers.

The Institute's analysis suggested full economic recovery hinges upon women being able to re-enter the workforce and be able to remain on the job in order to provide for their families.

Mason noted a majority of women are breadwinners in their families, and the public health crisis made it very clear what can happen when essential family-work supports are missing.

"We found out the hard way during the pandemic that women cannot do their jobs if they do not have adequate, high-quality child care and paid sick leave," Mason recounted. "It's just not going to happen."

Since the beginning of COVID-19, more than 6.5 million women either lost jobs or were forced to leave the workforce to care for family members, including children when schools closed.

Black and Latina women have been disproportionately affected, with unemployment rates exceeding 20%. Oxfam America estimated women lost $800 billion in earnings over the past year.

This story was produced with original reporting from Zoe Marks and Eric Chenoweth for Ms. Magazine
Broadcast version by Lily Böhlke for Commonwealth News Service/Public News Service

U.S. feminists have been raising alarms about persistent assaults on gender equality. Across the country, GOP-led legislatures are rolling back reproductive rights, legislating against trans youth and their families, and censoring school curricula about racism, sexism, LGBTQ+ issues and even what to expect at the gynecologist's office.

These developments in the U.S. reflect a troubling pattern: Around the world, patriarchal authoritarianism is on the rise, and democracy is on the decline. The connection between sexism and authoritarianism is not coincidental, or a mere character flaw of individual misogynists-in-chief.

Women's political power is essential to a properly functioning multiracial democracy, and fully free, empowered women are a threat to autocracy. Assaults on women's and LGBTQ+ rights-and attempts to put women "in their place"-constitute a backlash against feminist progress expanding women's full inclusion in public life.

As women's participation becomes more prominent in domestic and international politics, our research sheds light on why political sexism and gender policing are also becoming more virulent-and what to do about it.

Patriarchal Authoritarianism

Authoritarianism rejects political competition and promotes a strong central power that upholds the political and social status quo. Autocrats try to maintain control by attacking the rule of law, separation of powers, political expression and fair elections.

But strongmen and their enablers also tend to usurp power in part by promoting a conservative and binary gender hierarchy. Patriarchy is, in the words of political scientist Valerie Hudson and her colleagues, the "first political order." And it is closely related to authoritarianism.

Authoritarian backsliding occurs when women are stripped of equal access, opportunity and rights in the workplace, in the public sphere and at home. By strengthening men's control over the women and girls in their lives, authoritarian leaders strike a patriarchal bargain, doling out private authority in exchange for public loyalty to the strongman. Incidentally, many women buy into the bargain, too. Women from dominant groups and classes are often willing to promote conservative gender norms and policies that retrench the status quo. The policing of gender expression and relations becomes a powerful tool for promoting a hegemonic racial, religious or ethnic national identity.

Thus, alongside assaults on democracy, patriarchal authoritarians also promote increased state control over women's bodies; the subordination of women in public office and the workforce; permissiveness toward sexual assault, harassment or abuse; hypermasculine ideals; the criminalization of LGBTQ+ people; tolerance of violence toward women and girls; and an emphasis on the "traditional family," in which the role of women is primarily domestic. Put simply, the patriarchal authoritarian worldview is that men are "men," while women are wives and mothers. Everyone else is a threat to the system.

It's not hard to recognize patriarchal authoritarianism in U.S. political life today, but is it rhetoric or reality? Four key domains are under sustained legal and political attack by legislators seeking to set back gender equality: access to reproductive healthcare; workplace equality and economic inclusion; protection from sexual and gender-based violence; and LGBTQ+ rights.

Last year saw record-setting restrictions on abortion access, with 19 states passing new laws and just six expanding access. Yet despite enthusiasm for forcing women into motherhood, Republicans continue to stonewall paid parental leave.

The U.S. remains the only country among the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development's 38 member states without mandated paid leave for new parents, despite the fact that more than 80 percent of Americans support such a policy and only 60 percent of current workers are covered by the Family and Medical Leave Act's guaranteed unpaid leave. At the same time, workforce participation plummeted during the pandemic, with women's unemployment and nonparticipation nearly double that of men in 2020.

Not all countries experienced this "shecession," which reflects structural inequalities in the U.S. economy, gender segregation by job sector, and lack of access to affordable childcare and healthcare. Democrats in Congress have attempted to address some of these issues in the "Build Back Better" bills. But components designed to support working women-such as childcare and extending child tax credits-met opposition, primarily from Republicans, that effectively killed the bills.

Meanwhile, laws against gender-based violence have loosened in the U.S., thanks, in part, to what scholar Ruth Ben-Ghiat describes as the GOP's "culture of lawless masculinity." The reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act, first championed by then-Sen. Biden in 1994, was blocked for years by Republicans and a few Democrats who refused to close the "boyfriend loophole" that allows certain convicted abusers to keep firearms. When VAWA was finally approved by Congress in March, tacked onto a spending bill, it lacked the gun control provision.

Finally, anti-transgender legislation has become a go-to wedge issue for the Republican Party, which has introduced discriminatory bills at an exponential rate: 79 in 2020, 147 in 2021 and more than 280 already slated for 2022 legislative sessions. Many of these proposals aim to pit cisgender girls and women against transgender people, claiming to protect equity in sports and safety in bathrooms.

But the crisis in fairness actually cuts the other direction: marginalizing and harming gender minorities, not female athletes. In Florida, the "Don't Say Gay" law bans discussions of gender and sexuality in primary school classrooms and requires teachers to disclose their students' gender and sexuality questions to their parents. Anti-LGBTQ+ legislation uses the power of the government to police the gender binary, which underpins male dominance.

Patriarchal authoritarians rely on stable, narrow constructions of masculinity and femininity to assert control in homes, families and private lives. The Republican Party is promoting an old yet predominant vision of family values by cynically pretending families are under threat from increased tolerance of LGBTQ+ people and rising anti-racist agitation. In doing so, it's positioning itself as the party of "parents' rights"-a direct bid for white women's votes-while restricting rights of parents whose children are transgender or subject to racial discrimination in schools.

These seemingly inconsistent policies have a common through line: They restrict discussions of racial and gender equality in public schools while inserting ever more state control over women's and LGBTQ+ families' rights. It is consonant with the GOP's unironic co-optation of "my body, my choice" as an anti-vaccine slogan by people who proudly restrict women's access to medical care.

Autocracy to Democracy ... And Back Again

Democracy and equal rights for women are rare in world history. Every country that is a democracy today was once an autocracy (or was part of one). When countries have transformed into durable democracies, it is because democratic movements mobilized to challenge the status quo and, over time, successfully pushed forward change.

In fact, it was women's activism-demanding the right to vote, to own property, to have constitutionally protected bodily autonomy, and to have civil and political rights for all people-that inaugurated the expansion of global democracy in the 20th century. Our research finds that during the postwar period, mass movements demanding independence and democracy were more successful at achieving their aims when women participated in larger numbers at the front lines. From the Philippines to Brazil, from Tunisia to Argentina, from Chile to Sudan, "people power" movements were more likely to usher in sustained democratization when at least 25 percent of their participants were women.

Yet in recent years, many democracies have slid back into authoritarianism, unable to stave off the rise of illiberal forces. For the 16th consecutive year, the world has been moving toward authoritarianism-what some have called a "democratic recession." Today, the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project reports that only 30 percent of people in the world live in democracies.

Often dismissed as simply a feature of autocrats' personalities, misogynistic leadership appears to help bring authoritarianism to fragile democracies. Unsurprisingly, researchers have also discovered that women's rights and gender equality gains have stalled or, worse, are being reversed. For instance, India, Myanmar and Venezuela have seen recent downgrades in levels of both democracy and women's equality.

Fully autocratic countries like Russia, Turkey and China show us what consolidated patriarchal control looks like: Women are considered subordinate to men in the home, in the workplace and in public office. In Turkey, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called women who choose to work rather than have children "half persons."

In these countries-and many others-reproductive rights are under threat or, in some cases, nonexistent. In China, women's reproduction was policed for decades under the "one child" policy. That has been relaxed to increase the country's population, but some Chinese feminists now worry that the government's call for Chinese women to produce three children might inspire future intrusive reproductive policies.

Calls for "traditional values" facilitate the subjugation of women and LGBTQ+ people. Russian President Vladimir Putin justified his own authoritarian power grab in 2012 by invoking patriarchal and homophobic rhetoric. In his Feb. 24 speech, in which he rationalized his armed forces' invasion of Ukraine, Putin invoked a defense of Russia's "traditional values" against the West's "false values" that "are directly leading to degradation and degeneration, because they are contrary to human nature"-a reference to the expansion of feminist and LGBTQ+ rights within the West.

Toward a Feminist Democracy

There is much we can do to protect and expand the hard-won rights that are already enshrined in policy and which, in turn, protect democracy. First, it is crucial to fully understand that assaults on women's and LGBTQ+ autonomy, well-being and rights are assaults on constitutional democracy. A country in which more than half the population is subordinated politically, socially, economically and culturally is not a democracy.

Corresponding assaults on democracy-including restrictions on ballot access, protest and public expression, and weakening the rule of law-can unravel women's equality, particularly for marginalized and subjugated groups. The fate of women's rights is tied to the fate of democracy, and women's mobilization can help to secure both.

More than 100 years ago, women worldwide mobilized for their inclusion in democracy. And they have since used their political power to demand fundamental rights in healthcare, employment and domestic life. As a result, women have become key constituents with whom authoritarian leaders and parties have to contend-and often seek to control.

This finding is instructive: Women and their allies mobilize when their rights are under assault, but they are even more powerful when they mobilize on broad-based issues. Women from all walks of life must continue to be vocal champions of inclusive democracy.

Feminist candidates, women elected officials and feminist policies are fundamental to the health and well-being of democracy. Feminists must find their political homes and invest in them. Women, gender minorities and feminists of all genders who are already engaged need to stay engaged. For those who have taken these hard-won rights for granted, the time has come to take a stand.

This story was produced with original reporting from Zoe Marks and Eric Chenoweth for Ms. Magazine.


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Pro-choice activists want New Mexico to follow the lead of Connecticut in providing a safe haven for abortion providers after last week's leaked draft that indicated the Supreme Court will overturn legalized abortion nationwide.

Janet Williams - president of Santa Fe NOW, the local chapter of the National Organization for Women - said more protections will be needed as people travel from Texas, Arizona and other states to New Mexico, where abortion is legal.

She said medical records will need to be protected, and abortion providers will need protection from liability in other states.

"Like Texas trying to criminalize women and doctors and anyone that helps a woman," said Williams. "We'd like to try to protect them, so make our state a sanctuary state just like Connecticut."

In Texas and more than 20 other states, lawmakers have passed a so-called "trigger law" that would go into effect 30 days after Roe versus Wade is overturned, making performing abortion a felony.

The Texas law also offers a bounty of $10,000 to citizens if they win a court case against anyone who has helped someone gain access to an abortion.

Assuming the Supreme Court's draft ruling stands, Colorado and New Mexico will be the only two places in the Southwest that provide abortion services.

Williams said she expects new clinics to open in the state, but also expects to see more fake clinics, or "crisis pregnancy centers" - which she said look like real health centers but don't provide abortion or broader health care.

"They're setting up in communities and drawing people in who are pregnant and don't want their pregnancy and talking them out of abortion," said Williams. "But they set up with a name that sounds like they're going to help you, and they're not."

The director of a Mississippi abortion clinic at the center of Roe v. Wade related case says she's considering a move to New Mexico when the 1973 ruling is struck down. The Jackson Women's Health Organization, better known as the Pink House, is the last abortion clinic in Mississippi.




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Leaders from the California Legislative Women's Caucus vowed to protect a person's right to have an abortion in the Golden State after a leaked draft opinion appears to show the U.S. Supreme Court is ready to overturn the decision known as Roe v. Wade this summer. That would turn the matter over to the states.

Abortion is and will remain legal in California, but now some lawmakers want to cement that right by putting it into the state Constitution. Caucus Chair Assemblymember Cristina Garcia, D-Bell Gardens, said she feels if the Supreme Court issues this ruling, it would be an unprecedented rollback of people's rights.

"Overturning Roe v. Wade is not going to stop abortions," she said, "but rather it's going to lead to unsafe and deadly abortions, especially for our most marginalized and vulnerable communities."

If the constitutional amendment passes both houses of the state Legislature by a two-thirds margin, it would be placed onto the November ballot.

The author of the draft opinion, Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito, argued that the privacy rights and the due-process clause don't apply to the termination of a pregnancy. Other opponents cite religious objections.

Jodi Hicks, president and chief executive of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California, said low-income women of color from conservative states would be disproportionately affected.

"People that are denied access to abortions are four times more likely to end up in poverty," she said.

State Senate President Pro Tempore Toni Atkins, D-San Diego, said she wants the state to establish a fund that would accept private donations to help people from other states travel to California for abortion care.

"California will continue to be a beacon of hope for women and families who need access for reproductive care and abortion, here in our own state and across the country," she said. "We will not leave the women and families impacted by the backwards, reckless policies of other states without options."