Localizar a un legislador estatal de Nuevo México procedente de la clase trabajadora es como buscar una aguja en un pajar, según un nuevo estudio.

El porcentaje de republicanos y demócratas estadounidenses procedentes de la clase trabajadora que ocuparon escaños en las asambleas legislativas estatales se mantuvo por debajo del 2% el año pasado. En comparación con los votantes potenciales, en los que alrededor del 50% ocupan puestos de trabajo manuales en la construcción, en el sector de servicios, o puestos administrativos.

Nicholas Carnes, catedrático de la Universidad de Duke, es coautor del estudio.

"Si eres una persona de clase trabajadora y vas a la asamblea legislativa de tu estado, o a la asamblea general, casi nunca vas a encontrar a alguien que tenga una experiencia significativa en este tipo de trabajo," apunta Carnes.

Nuevo México es uno de casi una docena de estados sin legisladores que hayan tenido recientemente empleos de clase trabajadora. Carnes afirma que se trata de una cuestión bipartidista, ya que sólo alrededor del 1% de los republicanos y el 2% de los demócratas en las asambleas legislativas estatales proceden de ocupaciones de clase trabajadora.

Dado que las personas que se postulan para cargos públicos proceden en su inmensa mayoría de las clases profesionales de Estados Unidos, Carnes afirma que es poco probable que hayan experimentado las dificultades económicas a las que se enfrenta la clase trabajadora. Señala que las asambleas legislativas estatales toman decisiones importantes, y si hay toda una clase económica de personas que no están presentes cuando se toman las decisiones políticas, esto puede determinar el tipo de problemas que se abordan y las soluciones que se proponen.

"Si nadie en la sala ha recibido lo que llamamos "cupones de alimentos", ¿es importante la reducción de $15 al mes? No lo es." Dice Carnes. "Bueno, sí, en realidad es un gran problema para algunas personas."

En 2023, los datos del estudio mostraron que Alaska lideró la nación con el 5% de su legislatura estatal proveniente de ocupaciones que podrían clasificarse como trabajos de clase trabajadora.

El apoyo para este informe fue proporcionado por The Carnegie Corporation de Nueva York.


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Voting rights advocates in Texas are speaking out against a proof-of-citizenship bill before lawmakers.

Senate Bill 16 would require new registrants and some existing registered voters to prove they are U.S. citizens.

Amber Mills, issue advocacy director for the Move Texas Civic Fund, said the requirement would be in addition to what the state already does to check someone's eligibility.

"When you're completing a voter form, you do also have to submit either your driver's license number or your Social Security number," Mills pointed out. "That's really important because that is how the state verifies who you are, and that's a key indicator that they use to protect their databases on the back end."

Even if you were born in the U.S., the bill could require you to show proof of citizenship with a passport or birth certificate matching your current name. According to the Secure Democracy Foundation, more than 38% percent of rural and small-town Texans do not have a passport.

Anyone who cannot prove citizenship would be placed on a separate voter roll and could only cast ballots in the U.S. House and Senate races.

Emily French, policy director for the advocacy group Common Cause Texas, said the additional barriers could prevent many residents from casting their votes in local, state and presidential races.

"All the DPS systems, all the immigration systems which say that they are citizens, but there can still be mistakes that mark them as noncitizens and could throw them off the voter rolls until they come in with these documents that they don't have," French explained.

The bill directs the Texas Secretary of State's Office to check all registered voters' status by the end of the year and send the names of registered voters who have not proven their citizenship before September 2025 to county elections offices.

Mills noted if you are flagged, there is no online system to comply with the request and all paperwork must be submitted in person.

"We are not disputing the goal of having only eligible citizens on the voter rolls, but we know that Texas already has strong systems in place," Mills emphasized. "It's ultimately the state's responsibility, the county's responsibility to do these voter roll checks, but what SB 16 would do is not change any of that, not improve any of that. It would just add an additional burden."


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Legal groups are weighing an appeal after a court ruling this week that left voters in several states, including North Dakota, at a disadvantage in making use of the Voting Rights Act.

At issue is their ability to sue based on racial discrimination. A three-judge panel with the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals struck down a pathway under Section Two of the landmark law for voters to bring lawsuits if they feel local and state election policies have violated their civil rights. The decision stems from a recent redistricting victory for a pair of Native American Tribes in North Dakota.

Mark Gaber, senior director of redistricting for the Campaign Legal Center, said he was shocked by the latest outcome.

"The Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals has done what no court in the country has ever done, and there's been 400-plus Voting Rights Act cases filed for decades," Gaber pointed out.

The decision affirmed a ruling from the full 8th Circuit, which said language in this section of the law does not specifically mention private individuals. One judge filed a dissenting opinion. The 8th Circuit covers seven states, and civil rights groups said if the outcome stands, voters in those states would have to lobby the Justice Department to bring a case forward.

Gaber noted the problem with asking the Justice Department is, the agency is not equipped to move quickly on such requests.

"They simply don't have the resources," Gaber pointed out. "The individual voters who are familiar with what is happening in their localities and on the ground are frankly, in many cases, better suited to bring these cases."

The Justice Department is also part of budget-cutting moves by the Trump administration. Meanwhile, the Native American Rights Fund said this week's ruling sets a dangerous precedent for minority voters who do not want to be silenced.


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Montana Gov. Greg Gianforte has seen the last few bills of the 2025 legislative session cross his desk and as the ink dries, policy experts reminded Montanans some bills will face the courts before they take effect.

Gianforte signed Senate Bill 490, which changes the Election Day cutoff for same-day voter registration from 8 p.m. to noon. It also eliminates early registration the Monday before Election Day, shifting the deadline to 5 p.m. on Saturday.

Zuri Moreno, state legislative director for the advocacy group Forward Montana, said the change especially affects Montanans who drive long distances to vote.

"We've already heard from the courts that you're not supposed to mess around with same-day voter registration," Moreno pointed out. "It just takes away that opportunity for working folks and young folks and rural people across the state."

Montana's Supreme Court ruled last year banning same-day voter registration is unconstitutional. In January, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear a challenge to the decision.

Laws passed this session may still be challenged in court, including those centered on the LGBTQ+ community, which was targeted by at least 23 bills. Moreno noted the "community really showed up this session."

"We saw so many folks sharing personal stories and public testimony, so many folks showing up for lobby days and rallies," Moreno recounted. "Thousands of people engaged in the legislative process, which is essential."

In a win for renters, Gianforte also signed House Bill 311 , which requires rental application fees to be returned to people who do not end up signing a lease.