By Lucia Walinchus, Marisa Twigg and Jaelynn Grisso for Eye on Ohio, The Ohio Center for Investigative Journalism
Broadcast version by Lily Böhlke for Ohio News Connection.

Who is this person?

Nearly a year after Columbus police officers pepper sprayed journalists covering protests against police brutality, the Columbus Division Police still have not named the officer shouting "I don't care!" and turning eyes into agony, as those reporters shouted, "We are members of the news media!" and held up their badges.

A police spokesman said the incident is still "under investigation" but, contrary to previous precedent, declined to name the officer involved. In public records requests, police said no officer on that crowded street had body cam video of the incident, and no officer has faced discipline, though the inquiry is still ongoing.

Sixty-five pages of police reports, obtained through a public records request, detail a wildly violent scene that night. But that version of events directly conflicts with the memory and video of the pepper sprayed reporters.

"Please excuse my language, but the reports about Lane and High [streets] were some of the biggest b----t I've ever read. No commands were given before the first officer started spraying the intersection upon immediate arrival. Certainly no concrete or rocks were thrown," said Lantern Reporter Max Garrison. "I'll add to [Lantern reporter] Maeve's comment about the exclusion of our being pepper sprayed from the report, they also excluded the physical contact they made with me immediately before the spraying commenced."

Since the event, no other journalist in Columbus has faced police violence. Was the pepper spray an isolated incident or evidence that officers act above the law?

The U.S. Press Freedom Tracker logged eleven incidents against reporters in Ohio in 2020, the most since 2017. (Note: the database is partially funded by the Committee to Protect Journalists whose grant helped to fund this joint journalism project.)

Eye on Ohio and Matter News surveyed dozens of reporters around Ohio about press freedom in the state. Most said they enjoyed a high degree of latitude, though they faced increased vitriol online. Two said they had been in a violent incident in the past year.

Another reporter, who declined to be identified for fear of reprisals, hadn't slept in her apartment for half of the previous month, for her own safety. She began receiving threats after she published a series of articles covering the plight of local residents who complained about the efficacy of their local government to stop the abusive and threatening tactics of a local developer who lashed out at the community after a failed land deal.

The Lantern pepper spray incident was part of a series of police complaints following Black Lives Matter protests in the summer of 2020. The City of Columbus set up an external website to track citizen complaints, and spent about $600,000 to hire a special prosecutor and a law firm to investigate.

Through a public records request, Eye on Ohio/Matter News received thousands of documents, pictures and video that prosecutors reviewed to analyze abuse of power complaints. Those records are available here:

So far, just one case has resulted in police discipline. Several investigations are still ongoing.

"We've seen troubling attacks on press freedom in Ohio, especially in the wake of the protests over the killing of George Floyd, and to a lesser extent, the Covid-19 pandemic: journalists being arrested and attacked, or being subpoenaed for their footage, or threatened with litigation over their coverage," said Andrew Geronimo, Director of the First Amendment Clinic at Case Western Reserve University. "I think it's a critical matter of public concern that we have some transparency and accountability into exercises of governmental power, and the best way to do that is by protecting from government interference the gathering and publishing of information on newsworthy topics."

In addition to the officer who pepper sprayed reporters, Special Prosecutor Kathleen Garber said her investigation needs to identify several officers who might be responsible for criminal misconduct. She originally filed subpoenas to compel their supervisors to name them, which she later withdrew. She also filed Garrity notifications to compel them to answer questions. The police union balked, saying the order would violate officers' and supervisors' Constitutional Rights.

"By mutual agreement, an arbitrator will now decide whether the officers will have to follow the City's order to provide information relative to the possible criminal activity of other officers. Both the City and the officers' attorneys decided this was the proper venue for these issues to be argued," said Department of Public Safety Assistant Director Glenn McEntyre.

As of press time, no arbitration date had been set.

Near the end of April, researchers at Ohio State University released the findings of an eight-month study they began after the protests in Columbus erupted last summer, including a list of recommendations for the city based on the results. The study evaluated how Columbus officials managed the protests from May 28 through July 19, 2020, and found that the City was unprepared for and lacked coordination around how to handle the type and size of protests that occurred.

Although the study references reporting done by the three Lantern reporters, it does not reference the pepper spraying they experienced nor does it list any recommendations related to press freedom in Columbus.

On June 2, 2020, three reporters stood at the intersection of North High Street and Lane Avenue in downtown Columbus, on behalf of Ohio State's The Lantern: Sarah Szilagy, a Junior campus editor, Maxwell Garrison, a Junior assistant campus editor, and Maeve Walsh, the special projects editor.

They were dressed appropriately just in case they were inadvertently caught up in the moment: despite the heat, they had long sleeves to protect against pepper spray and underneath their clothes they had the number of their school advisor and the number for the student press center written on their arms.

They did not imagine, however, that they would end up as targets.

"They were really peaceful. There was no violence or anything, and there was no police presence at that point. We were monitoring social media and saw that the Police Chief was downtown marching with them 20 or 30 minutes earlier. We followed them all the way through the campus area up North High Street. Again no police presence or anything. They got to the corner of Lane Avenue and North High Street and stopped and congregated for a few moments in that area," said Max Garrison, a Junior in Journalism and Public Policy at the Ohio State University.

"And pretty much as soon as everybody was back there, all the sudden a bunch of police cruisers came out of nowhere from the South of High Street and stopped behind a group of cars. Officers came out in SWAT gear and worked their way up through the group of cars and approached the intersection.

Once the police were visible, a lot of protesters dispersed. Before they even got to the intersection, a few police officers were already spraying pepper spray without anything being thrown at them ahead of time, or any previous aggression towards them, or even yelling 'everybody get out of the intersection.'

At that point all the protesters around us were gone, and it was just the three of us standing up on a raised part," Garrison explained.

The group said other officers throughout the day had left them alone when they pointed to their 'PRESS' labels. But this was different.

"I was wearing glasses but they were so close and it was such a strong spray that I remember feeling it enter my eye," said Sarah Szilagy, a Junior Journalism major and campus editor of the paper. "And they kept following us, so we couldn't even stop to flush out our eyes."

They said a spokesperson later came by the school and said that perhaps the officer didn't know reporters were not required to follow the curfew, which the Lantern reporters said conflicted with their experience with other officers who knew they could be out later on different occasions.

At the time, body-worn cameras were not required for officers wearing riot gear, because standard riot gear doesn't have mounts for cameras. On Sept. 23, 2020, officers changed their policy to wear a traffic vest over the gear, which can accommodate a body-worn camera.

The three students said that no officials have followed up with them on the status of the investigation since initial conversations regarding the incident. Walsh, the former special projects editor, has already graduated from OSU. Many of these investigations can take months to complete, and since neither the city nor the police department have been able to identify the officers involved, the investigation could take even longer.

This collaboration with Eye on Ohio is produced in association with Media in the Public Interest and funded in part by the George Gund Foundation.

Election Day is less than three weeks away and while the focus for most people is on casting their ballot, Pennsylvania also needs a lot more poll workers for the voting process to go smoothly.

Many of the 8.7 million registered voters in the state would be eligible to work at the polls for the Nov. 5 presidential elections.

Susan Gobreski, board member of the League of Women Voters of Pennsylvania, said prospective poll workers need to be registered to vote in the county where they want to work, and would need to be available for the entire day.

"There are over 9,000 precincts or divisions in Pennsylvania and there are about five poll workers per precinct or division, plus translators in some places," Gobreski outlined. "It's over 45,000 people who are needed."

She added poll workers are appointed by the community or elected every four years and are essential for ensuring the transparency and fairness of elections. Gobreski noted they come from diverse backgrounds and are responsible for administering the voting process and filling in when any vacancies arise.

Gobreski stressed Pennsylvania prioritizes the safety of poll workers and has implemented measures to ensure a seamless election process.

"If you're concerned about political violence, I think for the most part, that is something that people should learn about de-escalation," Gobreski explained. "People can always call the police. Election officials and safety officials are responsible for administering that and addressing those situations, so poll workers aren't expected to resolve those situations."

She noted election workers are paid. Exact rates vary by county. Training is offered prior to working on Election Day. The hours may start as early as 6:30 a.m. and polls close at 8 p.m.

This year's Election Day will be one of the most closely watched in history, and one concern of Illinois election officials is safety at polling sites.

The latest Brennan Center for Justice study showed since 2020, 992% of election officials nationwide have increased security for their workers and volunteers, as well as voters. The steps include forming emergency response plans and extra security at polling sites and election offices.

Ed Yohnka, director of communications and public policy for the ACLU of Illinois, said the fears are valid.

"One of the things that we will be doing, in Illinois and around the country, is monitoring to assure that there is not violence or intimidation at the polls," Yohnka explained. "Everybody, everybody, no matter who they support, has a right to go and vote and participate in this election on behalf of the candidate they support."

One tool of voter suppression is to create anxiety, Yohnka added. The ACLU of Illinois is encouraging people to prepare for Election Day in advance by having their proper ID with them and knowing how to obtain a provisional ballot if their name does not appear on a voting roster.

When people or groups position themselves near polling places to intimidate or threaten others, the goal may be to ultimately discourage people from voting at all. The actions may involve videotaping prospective voters as they approach a polling site, or taking pictures of their license plates.

Deceptive robocalls or targeting people of color are also forms of voter intimidation. Yohnka noted such occurrences "get into the wheelhouse" of the work the ACLU has done for more than a century.

"We're here to defend the civil liberties and civil rights of everyone, no matter who's the president, no matter who is in power in Congress, no matter who's in power at the state level," Yohnka stressed. "It gives us the capacity and the ability to challenge abuses, whether they come from either one of the major parties in power."

He emphasized the ACLU is nonpartisan and doesn't have a direct role in the electoral process. He added people must know their rights and how to exercise them, and not be intimidated.

Support for this reporting was provided by The Carnegie Corporation of New York.

Reports of intimidating text messages targeting Wisconsin college students and recent graduates are prompting more voting-rights outreach to young voters.

The anonymous text message warns recipients about voting in a state where they are not eligible, and says they could be fined or jailed for violating Wisconsin state law.

Recent graduate Molly Carmichael, communications manager with the League of Women Voters of Wisconsin, said the first thing she noticed when she got the text was the harsh language.

"Right off the bat I was pretty upset, because I figured this was also going out to other people, maybe people who have never voted before and are excited to vote this November. And so, getting a text like that would certainly be really alarming," she explained.

The League of Women Voters, along with Free Speech for People, petitioned the Wisconsin and U.S. Departments of Justice to investigate the matter.

Carmichael said they've also started a digital campaign promoting the Election Protection Hotline, trying to counter the harmful text with positive and correct information and resources.

Jay Heck, executive director of Common Cause Wisconsin, said interfering with the student vote is nothing new for Wisconsin, and is almost expected in the swing state.

"Students become a very convenient target for many of the people that are trying to undermine public confidence in voting in Wisconsin," he continued.

Heck said the state's strict photo ID law for voters may add confusion to the process for some college students whose school IDs may not be compliant with state law. Common Cause has a section on its website that outlines what college students need to vote in Wisconsin, including detailed examples of which IDs are permitted.

While continued outreach to college students is critical after this latest scheme, Heck hopes most students won't fall for it.

"The good thing about it is, I think younger people, by and large, are less susceptible to some of the stuff that they see and the texts that they get, because they're just more used to social media. And I think a lot of them are probably a little more savvy about whether it's true or not," Heck added.

Students who receive this type of text message or any other intimidating voting-related communications are encouraged to report it to the Election Protection Hotline at 866-OUR-VOTE.

Support for this reporting was provided by the Carnegie Corporation of New York.


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