ALBANY, N.Y. -- Rates of youth incarceration in adult jails and prison are down to zero since New York raised the age of criminal responsibility to 18, according to a new report by the Sentencing Project.

New York passed "raise the age" reform in 2017, and in the years following, a "youth part" of the criminal courts was created. Judges trained in adolescent development and family-court process review felony cases of 16- and 17-year-olds.

Julia Davis, director of youth justice and child welfare for the Children's Defense Fund of New York, said the youth justice system also has been shrinking.

"The number of arrests have decreased, the number of young people going into placement, being adjudicated, and needing to be incarcerated in the family court system, or in the adult court system has gone down," Davis outlined.

The report noted in 2016, there were more than 575 juveniles sentenced to state prison and almost 2,400 in adult jails. By 2020, there were none. In addition, between 2010 and 2019, felony arrests of minors were down 53%.

Marcy Mistrett, senior fellow at The Sentencing Project and the report's author, noted there has been a major drop in the number of criminal records started before 18.

"So we went from about 250,000 kids every single year getting criminal records before they turned 18, and we are now at about 50,000 that we can document, and I think it's actually even lower than that," Mistrett explained.

She added 16- and 17-year-olds, disproportionately young people of color, are mostly arrested for low-level petty offenses. She emphasized individuals need rehabilitative services, rather than incarceration.

Davis argued the age of youthful offender protections should be raised through 25, to prevent a criminal conviction that could impact things such as education and housing. Now, she hopes Gov. Andrew Cuomo will sign another "raise the age" bill that makes the age of juvenile delinquency arrest and prosecution 12 years old, instead of 7.

Davis added the work doesn't stop there.

"Looking at the youngest kids who are still in family court, reducing incarceration, closing more youth prisons and reducing our reliance on institutions for young people who come into contact with the family court system," Davis urged.

She also stressed youth justice reforms are an essential step in addressing the long-standing racial disparities that exist in the criminal-justice system.

A package to improve public safety is moving ahead in the California state Legislature - with a floor vote in the State Assembly on the first bill expected this week.

Assembly Bill 2215 puts into statute that police officers have the discretion to send people arrested for low-level offenses directly to supportive services.

Anthony DiMartino - government affairs director with the nonprofit Californians for Safety and Justice - said sometimes public safety is best served when people avoid arrest and instead get therapy, addiction support or help getting a job.

"We're also hoping to raise awareness that this is something officers can do, and then also encourage partnerships more with officers to look at what's in their community," said DiMartino, "as alternatives to jail booking."

A second bill would increase transparency and accountability on money sent to the counties as part of the Public Safety Realignment.

A third bill would require police officers, prosecuting attorneys and investigators to identify themselves any time they're interviewing a family member of someone killed or severely injured by police.

DiMartino said they also support AB 2499, which would ensure that survivors of violent crime and their family members can take unpaid time off work to address safety concerns and heal.

"We're hoping to broaden the scope a bit," said DiMartino, "and make it more clear that family members of victims are able to also tap into unpaid leave to support their family member that has been a victim."

A fifth bill would make it easier for justice-involved people and crime victims to speak freely during restorative justice programs - by making the communications inadmissible in other legal proceedings.

Missouri went through with its first execution of the year, as Brian Dorsey was put to death last night, just after 6 p.m. CT.

The U.S. Supreme Court on Tuesday declined to stop Dorsey's execution. He was convicted of murdering his cousin Sarah Bonnie and her husband Ben nearly 20 years ago.

The advocacy group Missourians to Abolish the Death Penalty launched several recent campaigns on Dorsey's behalf to spare his life.

Jenni Gerhauser, a cousin to both Dorsey and Sarah Bonnie, expressed belief in his redemption.

"Brian is more than the worst moment of his life," Gerhauser stressed. "There is so much more to him."

Gerhauser fondly remembered him as fun and charming from their visits during holidays. Dorsey's current lawyers said he was in a drug-induced psychosis when he killed the Bonnies in 2006 and his attorneys at the time had been offered money, preventing them from fighting the death penalty with his guilty plea deal.

Gov. Mike Parson confirmed Monday the state would move forward with Dorsey's death sentence, rejecting a separate request for clemency. More than 70 current and former corrections officers had urged the governor to commute Dorsey's sentence, arguing he had been rehabilitated.

Claudia Boyce, also a cousin in the family, said it should not be a decision for the state to make.

"You know, that's supposed to be God's decision, not ours," Boyce contended.

Dorsey received a lethal injection Tuesday evening. Lethal injection became an option for people on Missouri's death row in 1987, alongside lethal gas.


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Amid overcrowding and unsafe conditions in West Virginia jails, state lawmakers introduced bills that would allow judges to take a 'second look' at an individual's original sentence.

If a court determines they no longer pose a threat to the community, the person could be released, placed on supervision, or receive a shortened sentence.

Sara Whitaker - criminal legal policy analyst with the West Virginia Center on Budget and Policy - said West Virginia is one of the few states that has seen its prison population balloon over the past decade, despite declining crime.

She noted that as of last month, more than 500 people in the state were in jail awaiting transfer to a prison.

"As a result, eight out of 10 of the regional jails in the state were beyond capacity," said Whitaker, "with hundreds of people assigned to sleeping on the floor."

The bills failed to advance this session, but Whitaker said advocates are hopeful lawmakers will consider them next year.

The state's jails remain among the deadliest in the country, with at least 91 people losing their lives while incarcerated in the past few years.

According to the West Virginia Center on Budget and Policy, jail bills cost counties $45 million in 2022.

Nationwide, long sentences have led to growth in the number of older people behind bars.

Whitaker pointed out that 'Second Look' legislation could help the state avoid turning its prisons into nursing homes, and said the number of elderly people in prison has tripled in the past two decades.

"In 2019, West Virginia had to open a dementia unit in one of its prisons," said Whitaker. "There are hospice units across multiple prisons. And experts predict that this is just only going to get worse."

Whitaker added that 'Second Look' policies also offer a way to correct past racial injustice in the criminal legal system.

Black people incarcerated in West Virginia are four times more likely than white people to be serving a life sentence with the possibility of parole, and five times as likely to be serving a life-without-parole sentence.




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