By Katie Fleischer for Ms. Magazine
Broadcast version by Lily Böhlke for Tennessee News Service/Public News Service

NASHVILLE, Tenn. -- After over a year of dealing with the economic fallout caused by COVID-19, several things have become clear: The pandemic has disproportionately impacted women, especially women of color; and federal policies-not individual strategies-are necessary to help Americans fully recover.

In response to the gendered and racialized impacts of the pandemic, resulting in a drastic decline in women's labor force participation, the Biden administration has attempted to support struggling Americans through policies like the American Rescue Plan-which, among other provisions, provides additional financial support for people unemployed during the pandemic.

But unfortunately, those supplemental unemployment benefits have become increasingly politicized. Conservative politicians critical of policies like unemployment benefits and guaranteed income are attempting to frame people receiving benefits or direct cash as "dependent on the unemployment system" and discouraged from working. In addition to being flat-out inaccurate-the states that ended supplemental unemployment benefits early have not seen increased levels of employment, according to recent studies-these damaging myths target already marginalized groups like low-income women of color.

Nevertheless, across the country, governors in 26 states (25 GOP-led and one Democratic state) have already ended the federal supplemental unemployment benefits-funding provided entirely by the federal government at no cost to state budgets-and the rest are set to expire in early September unless Congress takes action to extend them.

False messaging about who works and why erases the lived experiences of people struggling to support their families and themselves. For example, a Black mother who received unemployment benefits and guaranteed income during the pandemic, Ebony (last name withheld), explained:

"There's this untruth that women like me sit at home and don't do anything. From TV and things, they think that we're at home sitting lazily doing nothing, making all these kids, everyone takes their money and just runs and goes shopping. And that's definitely not the truth. I can't tell you the last time I've been in a mall or whatever, I just go to the grocery store to get things that we need. I'm not lazy, I work my butt off day and night. Nobody wants to be broke, I know I don't."

Reinstating unemployment benefits would make a huge difference for many Americans, particularly low-income women and women of color. But that's just the first step. COVID-19 has laid bare and exacerbated the growing wealth disparities and race and gender inequities endemic to the U.S. economy.

It's time for the U.S. to build an economy that works for everyone and levels the playing field. An economy that doesn't rely on an extractive business model, which demands employees be available any time of day or night, often for poverty wages. An economy that doesn't leave millions of people without a living wage or benefits like paid sick leave, forcing them to live paycheck to paycheck. One where the wealthy pay their fair share.

Instituting new federal policies with economic equality at the center-like guaranteed income-are a stepping stone to this reality.

Magnolia Mother's Trust (MMT) is one real-world example of how the abstract economic policies being debated at the national level can have huge impacts on marginalized communities. Based in Jackson, Miss., MMT is an initiative that demonstrates the power of no-strings-attached financial benefits, providing Black mothers living in extreme poverty $1,000 per month for a year. For many of these women, the combination of increased unemployment benefits and guaranteed income gave them the economic security they needed to take care of their families and work towards long-term goals. By sharing their stories in Ms.'s Front and Center series, they show how cash relief provided a safety net for themselves and their children.

One MMT mom, Tia, explained:

"I know people say that if you have programs like these, people will stop working. I don't personally understand that-I mean, I think it's fine if someone made that choice, but for me I'll always want to be working, I want to be adding to my money, not decreasing it. It's not about not working; it's about just being able to take a little time off-to take a week and spend it with your kids, then go back to work. I wasn't able to do that before, to have that time off without being worried about covering the bills."

"It's been hard," said Sabrina, another MMT mother. "I'm not used to not working and being at the house. And obviously it's also hard because of the income loss. Unemployment helped me sustain. But now the governor just announced that Mississippi is going to cut us off from extra unemployment benefits so I'll be losing that $300 a week. It will be tough."

MMT mother Nikki relies on federal aid because of a disability, but she used to work in child care. "I really, really miss working," she said. "It's hard. I miss my babies-the ones I used to take care of. You fall in love with these kids spending so much time with them."

These moms aren't on "the sidelines" refusing to work; they all have goals for themselves and their families. Sabrina plans to study nursing, buy her own home and send her son to a school for kids with dyslexia. Tia was able to move out of subsidized housing. And Ebony is working to open her own nail salon business and buy a home.

"Invest in yourself," she advised the other MMT mothers. "That can be anything-it doesn't have to be starting a business-it could be self-care or learning something new. But you're the most important investment you can make."

Unemployment benefits are already difficult to access-after waiting for a month, Ebony was only able to receive the benefits she was owed because she happened to do the nails of a woman who worked intake at the state unemployment department.

Instead of cutting access to COVID benefits, now is the chance to expand and solidify them into permanent policy. Only through universal policies like increased unemployment benefits, expansion of the child tax credit and guaranteed income can the U.S. create an economic model that works in a post-pandemic world and allows women, low-income people and people to recover and reach their full potential.

Katie Fleischer wrote this article for Ms. Magazine.

A new report commissioned by faith leaders outlines the high moral stakes at play as the Trump administration pushes to cut federal programs to pay for extending tax cuts passed in 2017.

Karen Dolan, criminalization of poverty project director at the Institute for Policy Studies and the report's co-author, said the budget resolution recently passed by the U.S. House would eviscerate Medicaid, the single largest source of health coverage in the U.S., by cutting $880 billion.

"The proposal could result in a loss of coverage for 36 million people," Dolan pointed out. "In Colorado alone, there's over a million enrollees in Medicaid."

Republicans have long argued tax cuts boost the economy and allow people to keep more of the money they earn. They also say their budget resolution does not include the word Medicaid a single time. But according to a nonpartisan watchdog group, it would be virtually impossible for the Energy and Commerce Committee to meet its $880 billion without cutting Medicaid.

Extending tax cuts would amount to less than a dollar per day in savings for the bottom half of U.S. families. But the richest one-tenth of a percent of Americans would receive more than $314,000. Corporations promised to use windfalls from tax cuts in 2017 to raise wages, but Dolan noted the bottom 90% of workers have seen no benefits at all.

"When corporations get huge windfalls, in the form of tax breaks and tax loopholes, that money does not trickle down to worker's wages or to the economy," Dolan emphasized. "All it does is enrich that corporation."

The report outlined how mass deportations will raise consumer prices and harm immigrant families, including those with U.S. citizen children. The GOP also plans to cut food assistance by $230 billion and increase work requirements. Dolan stressed the majority of people who receive assistance are already working and many who work multiple jobs still need assistance because the minimum wage is so low.

"Ninety-two percent of people who receive Medicaid work either full-time or half-time, or have disabilities, are over age 65, are taking care of children or elderly adults, or are attending school."


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By Wesley Brown for the Arkansas Delta Informer.
Broadcast version by Freda Ross for Arkansas News Service reporting for The Arkansas Delta Informer-Winthrop Rockefeller Foundation-Public News Service Collaboration.

As ALICE families in Arkansas prepare for the 2025 tax season with the anticipation of healthy refunds, a federal tax proposal that offers substantial financial relief is currently at risk for low-and middle-income wage earners.

In Washington, D.C., Congressional Republicans may soon release a budget resolution that will set the terms of the national tax debate, including the expected extension of President Trump's signature 2017 Tax Cut and Jobs Cut law, including its changes to the Child Tax Credit (CTC). If Congress funds President Trump's ambitious budget bill, American taxpayers could also be on the hook for $5 trillion, several experts told the Arkansas Delta Informer.

And despite Vice President J.D. Vance's statements during the November election that he would like to see the federal CTC expanded to $5,000 per year, uncertainty still looms as Congress discusses whether to continue, alter, or end its provisions.

According to the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, that ongoing debate will significantly impact ALICE (Asset Limited, Income Constrained, Employed) households earning above the federal poverty level but less than what's needed to survive in the current economy.

Peter Gess, economic policy analyst at Arkansas Advocates for Families and Children (AAFC), agrees. He said that with the impact of rising inflation, ALICE households will be worse off if Congress decides not to expand or extend the 8-year-old tax policy.

"And so, if nothing happens, then that tax credit reverts to $1,000. And, you know, I did a quick look at inflation, and that's like 25% less value from where it was before the tax cuts in 2017," he said. "So, without keeping up with inflation, just being reverting to $1000 it'll be a lot less for families even than what it was before."

As noted, in his first term, the President pushed Congress to pass the $1.8 trillion Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) in 2017, which made substantial permanent cuts to corporate and business taxes. That tax policy-changing law also raised the federal child tax credit from $1,000 to $2,000 and made it available to families earning up to $400,000 instead of $110,000.

When President Biden took office in 2021, he significantly expanded the child tax credit under the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan. Under that law, families received a $3,000 annual benefit per child ages six to 17 and $3,600 per child under six as a monthly payment for the 2021 tax year.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the payments ranged from $250 to $300, expanding the child tax credit to nearly 35 million U.S. families. However, those payments expired in January 2022 after Congress failed to renew the Biden-era program.

Likewise, unless Congress renews or expands the program under the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, the federal CTC will revert to $1,000 per qualifying child in 2026. Additionally, the age limit for eligible children would decrease to 16.

ALICE families nervous about possible CTC changes

Athea Townsend of Little Rock hopes Congress will expand the tax credit closer to the $3600 maximum paid to families during the pandemic. However, she says letting it expire would be far worse for families struggling with inflation, high grocery bills, and childcare expenses.

Townsend says the expanded tax credit in 2021 helped her with expenses when she had only one child, Zen, a bright and energetic eight-year-old in the third grade. "You know, he is a growing boy, so it did help with essential things like clothes and food and help with the bills," said Townsend.

Today, however, Zen has a one-year-old brother, Zi, and the CTC has since reverted to 2017 levels of $2,000 per child annually. If Congress lets the CTC expire at the end of the year, it will impact thousands of ALICE households like hers, predicted Townsend, a marketing and graphic design professional.

"For working (single parents) and others like me, it is very much needed," she said.

In October 2014, new data from the ALICE in the Crosscurrents: An Update on Financial Hardship in Arkansas report showed that nearly 11,000 more Arkansas households like Townsend were still struggling to make ends meet in 2022 compared to the previous year.

That brings the total number of households living paycheck to paycheck across Arkansas to 562,879, representing 47% of the state's population, according to the latest update from ALICE in Arkansas, in partnership with United For ALICE.

This includes 195,972 Arkansas households in poverty and another 366,907 defined as ALICE (Asset Limited, Income Constrained, Employed), earning above the federal poverty level but less than what's needed to survive in the current economy. ALICE households include individuals and families working low-wage jobs with little or no savings and one emergency from poverty.

However, a recent report by the U.S. Census Bureau shows that the enhanced federal child tax credit during the pandemic pulled 2.9 million children across the U.S. out of poverty. This underscores the potential positive impact of the tax credit on struggling families.

New CTC proposal part of Trump budget talks

And that President Trump has ascended to the White House a second time with Republicans in control of both chambers of Congress, one of the incoming President's key economic goals is to lock in or extend parts of the law they couldn't in 2017 due to the Senate's budget reconciliation rules.

Next year, nearly all of the individual provisions of the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) will expire unless Congress acts. The Congressional Budget Office has estimated that fully extending the TCJA would cost $4.6 trillion over ten years. With interest

Gess and other federal CTC proponents hope that Congress will expand the popular tax provision and tweak the law to make the credit work for more families below the federal poverty line.

According to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) analysis, a bipartisan and more modest expansion of the federal CTC could be a ray of hope. This proposal, developed by Senate Finance Committee Chair Ron Wyden and former House Ways and Means Committee Chair Jason Smith, aims to assist approximately 19 million children who currently receive partial credit or none due to their families' low incomes. The bill would increase the refundable tax credit to a maximum of $2,500, offering a brighter future for these families.

That bill would also make families with low or no earnings eligible for the full credit, tie benefits to the number of children in a family, adjust the credit amount annually with inflation to ensure that it does not erode over time, and provide the credit in monthly installments.

"The last thing families need is to see Washington slashing their child tax credit in half," Smith said in a Jan. 16 committee hearing, which repeatedly addressed the expiring tax break.

In a CPBB research note of Feb. 5, Kris Cox, deputy director of the progressive Washington, D.C.-based think tank, said fixing flaws in the 2017 law would deliver a more meaningful tax benefit to single parents and working-class families.

"This should mean delivering a meaningful income boost to children in families who are struggling economically, even if any extension of the 2017 tax law would, as a whole, be costly and skewed to the wealthy," said Cox.

According to Gess, suppose the Wyden Smith bill passes in its current form. In that case, ADCF estimates that 191,000 children in Arkansas, or one out of every four currently left out of the full $2,000 credit, would benefit in the first year. "The credit would especially help children in Arkansas who are Black, Indigenous and Other People of Color (BIPOC), whose parents are more likely to hold low-paying jobs, due to historical and ongoing discrimination and barriers to prosperity," he said

"So, you're getting people who make lots of money the full credit, and you're getting people that don't make very much money, who really need it, aren't getting the full credit," Gess concluded.

And despite support from the House Ways and Means Committee and the vice president, many believe that expanding or keeping the CTC from expiring will be challenging, even with bipartisan backing.

ITEP Senior Policy Analyst Joe Hughes told the Arkansas Delta Informer that upbeat statements made by Vance and others during the election season are not part of ongoing budget talks. Also, the current proposal congressional Republicans are debating to extend the Trump-era tax cuts comes with a hefty price tag of up to $5.5 trillion over the next decade, based on a Jan. 10 report by the U.S. Treasury Department,

Hughes predicts that if the new proposal keeps most of the business provisions, including the slashing of the corporate tax cuts from 39% to 21%, most benefits will flow to wealthy individuals and businesses. He said that would leave everyone else with a token tax cut and saddle the nation with a massive national debt increase.

"Last year, we found that extending the 2017 law would direct more than two-thirds of the benefits to the richest 20% of households. A family making $20,000 a year would see a modest tax cut of a hundred dollars, while a millionaire would receive tens of thousands," Hughes said in a Feb. 5 research note. "This approach is designed to offer small tax cuts to working families as political cover while delivering massive benefits to the wealthiest Americans - at the cost of a ballooning federal deficit."

New state-level CTC bill introduced to Arkansas legislature

While Congress discusses the future of the Trump-era CTC policy, state legislatures are expanding child tax credits. According to ITEP, states with fully refundable Child Tax Credits in 2024 are California, Colorado, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, and Vermont. Idaho, Oklahoma, and Utah.

Arkansas does not offer state-level CTC going into the 2025 legislation session, but Rep. Denise Garner, D-Little Rock, has filed a bill that would provide a $300 refundable income tax credit for qualifying taxpayers who provide support to certain dependents.

Under House Bill 1015, the credit would be available for an individual taxpayer with net income up to $100,000 or taxpayers filing jointly with net income up to $200,000. Married taxpayers who meet the income thresholds for the credit and file separately on the same return may each claim a $150 credit against the tax due on the return of each spouse.

The bill, originally filed in November, also requires the Department of Finance and Administration (DFA) to make an annual cost-of-living adjustment to the credit amount. A DFA fiscal impact study estimates that general revenues would decrease by $238 million in fiscal 2026 and $245 million in fiscal 2027.

The DFA study shows that in tax year 2022, 618,000 taxpayers with 793,000 dependents would qualify for the credit. Approximately 370,000 Arkansas taxpayers would realize an overall reduction in tax liability at a cost of $134 million, and some 250,000 taxpayers would receive a refundable credit totaling $83 million.

Nationally, AACF data shows that 90% of Arkansas families, or 661,000 children, received monthly payments of $250 to $300 under the expanded CTC program during the pandemic. Gess said the proposed new expansion of the federal CTC before Congress would boost the family finances of around 191,000 Arkansas children at tax time this year.

An updated version of HB 1015 was submitted to the House Tax and Revenue on Jan. 15, but no hearing for the bill is on the panel's calendar. That amendment added Little Rock lawmakers, Reps. Andrew Collins and Joy Springs, as co-sponsors of the bill.


Wesley Brown wrote this article for the Arkansas Delta Informer.


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Recent federal executive orders have left many organizations in Ohio navigating uncertainty, particularly when it comes to funding for essential services.

Food banks, which serve as a critical safety net for families in need, are feeling the strain.

Joree Novotny, executive director of the Ohio Association of Foodbanks, said demand has been surging across the state as economic pressures grow, leaving local organizations struggling to keep up.

"We can do a lot with a little, but we can't do it all," Novotny pointed out. "We do rely and count on our partners in local, state and federal government to be another leg on the stool of what it takes to make sure that when people are in need and facing crisis, they can turn to us for basic help with food."

The strain comes as Gov. Mike DeWine's newly proposed state budget would reduce food bank funding by 23%, cutting it from $32 million in the last cycle to $24.5 million.

While the previous budget included a one-time $7.5 million boost, Novotny warned the reduction comes at a time when food banks are experiencing record-high demand.

Beyond government funding, food banks also face challenges in managing supply and demand. With more Ohio families turning to assistance programs, organizations are being forced to stretch resources even further.

"I just talked to someone yesterday who had a distribution in one of their local communities," Novotny noted. "They generally see 175 to 200 families come to that particular distribution for help. They had 300 families come that they were able to serve and then they had to turn another 65 away."

While organizations like the Ohio Association of Foodbanks remain committed to their mission, they are calling on policymakers to provide clarity on future funding.

Federal programs like Emergency Food Assistance Program, the Commodity Supplemental Food Program, and the Local Food Purchase Assistance Program provide about 25% of the food banks' resources, while state-funded programs like The Ohio Agricultural Clearance Program and the Ohio Food Program contribute another 20%.

Nearly half of the food distributed across Ohio's 88 counties comes from state and federal support, highlighting how crucial government funding is to hunger relief efforts.