The Wyoming Supreme Court has decided it will not weigh in on a lawsuit that has temporarily halted a ban on abortions in the state. Citing a state constitutional amendment passed by 70% percent of voters in 2012, a pregnant woman and a law student have argued in a case before Ninth District Judge Melissa Owens that Wyoming's trigger law prevents their ability to make decisions about their health care.

Abigail Fournier, Attorney at Cheyenne-based Steiner, Fournier and Zook, said physicians involved in the lawsuit have a similar concern.

"They are claiming essentially that the new law prevents the physician's ability to practice evidence-based health care when it comes to pregnancy related issues," she said.

The district court asked justices to respond to 12 questions regarding the constitutionality of House Bill 92 banning abortions. The U.S. Supreme Court recently decided that the U.S. Constitution does not protect the right to abortion when it overturned Roe v. Wade. The state has argued abortion is not mentioned in Wyoming's constitution and said the new law is necessary to protect the lives of unborn children.

Advocates for women's reproductive health care have pointed out that banning access to abortions can also lead to the death of the mother. Fournier said Wyoming justices do not have to fall in line with the U.S. Supreme Court, in part because the state's constitution specifically affirms the right of all residents to make decisions related to their health care, so long as they are competent.

"Wyomingites have always really had this ideal of 'we don't want the government in our business.' And so we've passed amendments to our constitution that have created a constitution that actually affords more protection against government infringement than the U.S. Constitution," she said.

Fournier said the impacts of the U-S Supreme Court's decision overturning Roe could extend beyond the state's trigger law. She recalled a bill before state lawmakers that would ban medical treatment for transgender minors, and a law recently passed by Congress ensuring protections for same-sex and inter-racial marriage.

"Because that was a law that followed Roe v. Wade in that line of precedent. There's a lot of laws and a lot of rights that are impacted by the overturning of Roe, and I think that a lot of other issues will likely come before the court," she said.

In the race for New Hampshire governor, the candidates' positions on reproductive rights could be a deciding factor.

Pollsters have said it is a dead heat between Democrat and former Manchester Mayor Joyce Craig and Republican former U.S. Sen. Kelly Ayotte, and both claim to champion women's health.

Kayla Montgomery, vice president of public affairs for the Planned Parenthood New Hampshire Action Fund, said Ayotte voted for a national abortion ban while in the Senate and supported the Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade.

"We can't put our trust in someone who has been against abortion rights and against reproductive freedom her entire career," Montgomery contended.

Ayotte said if elected, she would not change the state's current law, which allows for abortions up to 24 weeks of pregnancy, or back new restrictions.

Craig said she would work to codify abortion rights into the state constitution. New Hampshire is the only New England state without an explicit legal right to abortion care.

Ayotte said her opponents are "politicizing abortion to win votes" but her previous board position with the right-leaning nonprofit Winning For Women is raising questions about her pivot to a more moderate approach. The group has spent millions backing anti-choice candidates for office and Ayotte herself backed bills to remove insurance coverage for birth control.

Sen. Debra Altschiller, D-Stratham, said Ayotte has grown out of step with New Hampshire voters.

"She instead decided to get on board with an extreme right-wing agenda on limiting reproductive health care for the people of her own state," Altschiller asserted. "We remember."

Altschiller added reproductive freedoms are under attack at the State Capitol, despite a majority of voters backing abortion rights, and thinks Craig would serve as a firewall in the governor's office to ensure protections. She noted Craig has also committed to nominating pro-choice justices to the state Supreme Court, where there is a retirement coming up in 2026.


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By Kylie Marsh for the Charlotte Post, with support from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.
Broadcast version by Shanteya Hudson for North Carolina News Service reporting for the Charlotte Post-Public News Service Collaboration.

Tomeka Isaac was 35 weeks pregnant in 2018 when she suddenly fainted.

At the emergency room, Isaac and her husband were told that their son, Jace, died in utero. Without time to process, Isaac was also informed that she had HELLP syndrome (Hemolysis, Elevated Liver enzymes and Low Platelet) with no further explanation and transferred to an emergency room to be induced.

Bereaved, Isaac investigated her medical records to determine how the baby died and whether it was preventable.

At 40, Isaac was at a heightened predisposition for preeclampsia, or high blood pressure during pregnancy. A 2021 report by the American Journal of Public Health found that Black women were five times more likely to die from heart and blood pressure-related conditions than white women, according to data between 2016-17. The report also found pregnant and postpartum Black women were two times more likely than white women to die of severe bleeding or vessel blockages.

“I checked all the boxes that they say is a cause of maternal death or stillbirth,” Isaac said. “I went to all my appointments, I had access to all other resources that I thought I needed, I had Blue Cross Blue Shield, I was going to a provider that I had been going to for years.” Isaac explained that she isn’t the typical victim of Black perinatal mortality. “When you check all those boxes, we still have a disparity.”

Never during Isaac’s pregnancy was a urine sample collected, and she has no idea why. If it were, doctors would have been able to detect preeclampsia much earlier.

Isaac’s experience is only one example of medical mistreatment or neglect women of color face at exponential rates in North Carolina.

Alexis Garrett knew she was considered a “high-risk” pregnancy because she was overweight and over 35 years old when her son Maui was born in 2020. She was referred to a “high-risk clinic,” Novant Maternal Fetal Medicine.

Garrett is acutely aware of the stigma placed against women like her in healthcare settings. She’d witnessed friends, cousins and acquaintances lose their lives or their babies due to birthing complications in hospitals.

“I try to limit my interactions with the healthcare system,” Garrett said. “I’ve always been kind of leery about it. As I grew older, you know, you hear the whispers and, oh somebody died here and somebody died there,” Garrett said. “[Providers] think we’re faking our pain, or have a higher pain tolerance,” she said. “For this reason alone, we are so unprotected and so unheard.”

One of Garrett’s friends, who also gave birth on the same day Maui was born, ended up losing her baby. Garrett delivered Maui vaginally at 26 weeks.

At a rate of 14%, Black infants are twice as likely to be born weighing less than 5.5 pounds than white infants (7%); the highest rate of any ethnicity. Similarly, the rate of premature births for Black infants, 14.6%, is the highest for premature birth rates, which can also contribute to low birthweight.

The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Office of Minority Health reports that Black women have the highest rates of obesity compared to other groups in the United States, and that about 4 out of 5 Black women are overweight or obese. Last year, the Brookings Institute published research analyzing the distribution of grocery stores in several large U.S. cities. Grocery stores are less likely in Black-majority neighborhoods, regardless of the average household income of those communities. Feeding America reports that 1 in 5 Black people in America were food insecure in 2021, Black families’ poverty rate of 17.1% was higher than compared to the nationwide rate of 11.5%.

With a comprehensive view of the prevalence of these health conditions in the Black community, one can get a clearer picture of the source of the poor treatment, and poorer health outcomes, for Black mothers and their babies.

When having her daughter Hiro in 2021, Garrett was dealing with even more stress due to the murder of her partner, Horace McCorey. There are many stressors of daily life that have serious physiological health impacts on Black birthing people.

Author and doula Sabia Wade wrote about the effects of “weathering,” or the impact of stressors, in the 2023 book “Birthing Liberation: How Reproductive Justice Can Set Us Free.” For example, Wade reports the heightened frequency of Black people’s involvement with the criminal justice system, including deadly interactions, and high rates of unemployment especially following the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020.
A 2023 report from the United States Department of Justice states that an estimated 1 in 19 Black adult U.S. residents was under correctional supervision in 2021.

The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics reported that unemployment amongst Black adults was 11.4%, despite the average rate (among all demographics) of 8.1% in 2020.

“We don’t know if these people have hoods on when they treat us,” Garrett said, alluding to traditional headwear of Ku Klux Klan members.

Garrett’s second pregnancy presented just as much difficulty. At a routine checkup for her daughter Hiro, Garrett was again pressured for a Cesarean section.

“At this point, I was getting an attitude,” she said. “There [weren’t] any measures being taken to try to get this baby from being born early.”

Garrett had been informed she had a “low cervix,” also sometimes called an insufficient cervix, which can also lead to premature birth. Her friend was given a cervical stitch, also known as a cerclage.

“I’m literally telling them ‘You will not make me have this baby. I will not be bullied into having this baby.’”

Eventually, Hiro’s heart rate dropped to dangerous levels, and Garrett started passing clots. The baby was delivered by emergency C-section at 23 weeks.

After delivering, Hiro was whisked away to the NICU. Garrett also noticed that little Hiro had a large scar on her back, and one around her arm. Garrett was told that the scar around her daughter’s arm was possibly from the umbilical cord being wrapped around it, and the scar on her back was from a bacterial infection from her placenta. Garrett is distrustful and feels completely dismissed.

“Every question I ask, I’m getting deflective answers,” she said. “The scar looks like a third-degree burn. Somebody screwed up.”

To make things worse, when Garrett complained about the scar, a doctor suggested plastic surgery.

Thirty-six hours after her c-section, the hospital’s wound team informed Garrett her skin was necrotizing: a fast-spreading bacterial infection that causes tissue death. However, the no one explain what necrotizing meant as she spent 38 days in the hospital recovering before leaving “half-dead” with a walker.

“I have to live with these scars,” Garrett said.

Earlier this year, the North Carolina Maternal Mortality Review Committee reported that bias and discrimination contribute to traumatic and near-death experiences. It can manifest in terms of race or ethnicity, weight, geography, substance use, history of incarceration and other factors.

For example, Black neighborhoods are targeted by the tobacco industry more than other ethnic groups, according to the American Lung Association. In 2017, Reuters reported that poor Black neighborhoods tend to have a higher proportion of smoke shops per capita than other neighborhoods. Smoking can increase the rate of premature births and low birthweight. Similarly, higher density of liquor stores has been found in Black neighborhoods.

The American Heart Association reports that approximately 60% of Black women aged 20 and older have a cardiovascular disease, and 60% have high blood pressure. Factors leading to these conditions include family history, being overweight, diabetes, smoking and high cholesterol.

In 2022, the incarceration rate for Black women was 64 per 100,000, 1.6 times the rate for white women, according to The Sentencing Project, a non-profit that advocates to minimize incarceration in the U.S. North Carolina has a “habitual felon” statute in which any person convicted three times can be given harsher sentencing.

Heightened stress and anxiety, poor mental health, chronic conditions, financial burden, and strained relationships among incarcerated people and impoverished communities can adversely affect birth outcomes.

A study by the University of Pennsylvania found states that implemented three-strike laws like North Carolina saw immediate worsening of birth outcomes among Black infants, especially those from poor backgrounds. Those effects didn’t impact white infants.


Kylie Marsh wrote this article for the Charlotte Post.


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New Yorkers will vote on the state's Equal Rights Amendment in November.

Proposition 1 enshrines protections against discrimination based on age, disability, gender identity or expression, sexual identity and pregnancy outcomes. Although it is not explicitly stated, it codifies abortion rights into the state's constitution.

Despite wide support, the Archdiocese of New York and Republican state lawmakers are against it.

Sasha Ahuja, campaign director for the group New Yorkers for Equal Rights, said New Yorkers want the amendment passed.

"New Yorkers feel the threat," Ahuja contended. "They know that our rights are not as safe as they thought they were. New Yorkers are looking at the states that have rolled back access to reproductive health care and abortion; 22 states in total."

A Guttmacher Institute study showed an increase in people traveling to New York to get an abortion. New York lawmakers from both parties are not entirely happy with the amendment's wording. Democrats worry voters will not understand the amendment codifies abortion rights. Meanwhile, Republican lawmakers worry the nonspecific language might lead to gender-affirming care without parental consent and transgender athletes' participation in school sports.

Amending the state constitution is not easy since it requires the state Legislature to pass the bill twice, consecutively. The amendment has been subject to legal challenges that almost kept it off this year's ballot. The lawsuit was from a Republican state Assemblymember alleging the Legislature committed a technical error in passing the amendment. Ahuja noted such challenges have been a common occurrence when reproductive rights are on the ballot.

"We've seen attacks like this in states like Florida and Ohio, states all across the country that try to get these measures off or make it harder for people to vote," Ahuja stressed. "And we saw that same thing play out here in New York."

The District of Columbia and four states have codified abortion rights in their state constitutions since the Supreme Court's decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization in 2022.


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