By Bennet Goldstein for Wisconsin Watch.
Broadcast version by Mike Moen for Wisconsin News Connection reporting for the Wisconsin Watch-Public News Service Collaboration

Shannon and Eve Mingalone avow that their farmers market booth is "very gay."

They hang strings of pride flags and sell rainbow stickers to help pay for gender-affirming care, like hormone replacement therapy, for Eve.

Sometimes, when parents and their teenagers pass the booth, the adults glance, then speed ahead. The kids pause for a second look. Shannon, 34, hopes it means something for them to see LGBTQ professionals out and succeeding.

People often share stories. The middle-aged woman who confided that her daughter is transgender. The teen who stood in the middle of the Mingalones' booth and said, "This makes me feel safe."

"That means everything to me," Shannon said.

Now in their second season, she and Eve, 35, grow more than 45 varieties of vegetables at their business, Ramshackle Farm, in Harvard, Illinois.

Lettuces and Asian greens emerge on stacks of hydroponic troughs and spinach in a warm hoop house. Outside, Shannon and Eve tend to arugula, broccoli, peas and radishes using intensive planting and heavy rotation techniques - never pesticides or synthetic fertilizer.

Their operation is an exception to the sprawling corn and bean fields that dominate the landscape. Shannon and Eve work to feed people, not livestock or cars.

Shannon wears her politics on her coveralls. Her favorite jean jacket includes patches that declare "End monoculture" and "Save the earth. Bankrupt a corporation."

The Mingalones are among a multitude of LGBTQ farmers who draw connections between their identities and agriculture, including their adoption of sustainable practices.

"We're not just raising food," Shannon said. "We are creating safe spaces for people."

Like many, they used to have a specific image of a "typical farmer:" white, male, heterosexual, Christian and conservative. Excluded from that vision - or perhaps myth - is a space for them.

So they are creating one.

The presence of LGBTQ people in agriculture challenges stereotypes of who can, or should be, interested in farming. But the community is not a monolith, interviews with 16 Midwestern LGBTQ producers indicate. Some use restorative techniques in hopes of reducing environmental destruction and social inequity. Others run conventional operations, which industry representatives and policymakers say are key to feeding the world's growing population.

Nonetheless, as LGBTQ farmers navigate common hurdles, ranging from land inaccessibility to federal lending restrictions to social isolation, they rely on creativity and resilience to survive, much like they do in other arenas of their lives.

USDA doesn't count LGBTQ farmers

No definitive figures measure how many LGBTQ people farm in America. The U.S. Department of Agriculture asks respondents to identify their sex in its five-year censuses, not their sexual orientation or gender identity.

But the department is considering adding those questions to the 2027 Census of Agriculture. It conducted a pilot study in late 2021 to gauge whether their inclusion would affect response rates.

Responses decreased significantly when the questions were inserted, despite the survey's confidentiality. The study lacked possible explanations for the findings.

But when word of the survey reached U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., he accused the USDA and President Joe Biden of advancing a "woke agenda." Hawley claimed in a tweet that a farmer sent him a copy of the document. The lawmaker questioned, facetiously, the relevance of "such important" questions to the farming profession.

The National Young Farmers Coalition likewise encountered pushback from outside of the LGBTQ community to a survey that included similar demographic questions.

But a failure to acquire demographic information about LGBTQ people prevents improvements to services, said Katie Dentzman, a rural sociology and public policy assistant professor at Iowa State University.

"If you're completely unaware that these people are out there, then their issues are completely being ignored," she said. "In a way, that is perpetuating violence in a system."

Dentzman jimmied a statistical workaround using the USDA's 2017 census, finding that 8,302 farms were overseen by men married to men and 3,550 by women married to women. That was about 1.2% of all dually run farms nationwide.

Dentzman found that many same-sex couples farmed conventionally. But same-sex married men were more likely to have organic land and grow products intended for human consumption than farms run by men married to women. Likewise, women married to women more often engaged in alternative farming practices like intensive grazing and the production of value-added products.

Might LGBTQ people's unique vantage draw them to sustainable farming?

It's possible, Dentzman said, but as other sociologists have proposed, the economic and social disadvantages queer people face also might funnel them into alternative agriculture. That is, they lack the expansive resources and capital necessary to farm conventionally.

Statistically, LGBTQ people experience higher rates of poverty and food insecurity compared to non-LGBTQ people. They also earn less dollar-for-dollar and disproportionately experience homelessness.

Then add the upfront costs of farming.

Land access remains a top obstacle to entering agriculture, and attempting to do so without the backing of family can be a Herculean task.

Fifty-nine percent of respondents to the 2022 National Young Farmer Survey said finding affordable farmland to purchase is very or extremely challenging, while 45% said the same of finding any farmland at all.

Meanwhile, the cost of cropland is rising nationwide.

Corbin Scholz, 27, operates Rainbow Roots, an organic farm "rooted in queerness" on 6 acres of rented land north of Iowa City, Iowa. She does not come from a farm family and works two other jobs to support herself.

Scholz's lease expires after the 2024 growing season and she doesn't know whether she will be able to renew.

"I'm not sure I'll be able to ever afford a farm," Scholz said, "and moving everything I've built to another one-to-five-year lease really limits my growth opportunity."

Bennet Goldstein wrote this article for Wisconsin Watch.


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The Nebraska Legislature kicks off its new session a few weeks from today and issues related to gender identity are likely to be part of the mix.

LGBTQ+ advocates said they are in familiar territory, trying to establish a voice in the debate. Last year, a Nebraska bill to ban transgender students from playing school sports consistent with their gender identity narrowly failed. Republican Gov. Jim Pillen said he will try again this year.

Grant Friedman, legal fellow for the ACLU of Nebraska, said anyone opposed should try to set aside time with lawmakers to explain their concerns. From his perspective, Friedman argued policymakers should know other matters need attention.

"Getting folks to realize they're there to make Nebraska a better place for everyone and focus on the issues that need to be dealt with," Friedman urged. "Not kind of these 'fringe' issues that are being blown out of proportion across the country."

With Nebraska's budget on shaky ground and the need to address affordable housing gaps, he said advocates can pinpoint a number of topics they want lawmakers to look at instead. Polls show most Americans oppose transgender restrictions but Republicans' recent campaign messages have found some captive audiences. Backers of the bills said their mission is to protect students and families.

The ACLU is part of a coalition including OutNebraska, serving as a guide for LGBTQ+ individuals navigating a divisive political environment. Friedman emphasized local government is an avenue to push for protections if state and federal lawmakers are not showing a collective interest in advancing the rights of the LGBTQ+ population.

"The three areas in which you tend to see your city protections are going to be workplace, housing and public accommodations," Friedman outlined.

Friedman added they have found some allies among faith leaders willing to push for unity as marginalized communities fall under the political spotlight. Groups like the Trevor Project said bills deemed hostile toward LGBTQ+ populations can have a damaging effect on the mental health of community members.

Inauguration Day is still five weeks away and gay married couples are already watching for signs conservative lawmakers and the courts may attempt to turn back the clock.

In Obergefell v. Hodges, the Supreme Court ruled in 2015 it was unconstitutional to prohibit same-sex marriage.

Marshall Martinez, executive director of the advocacy group Equality New Mexico, said it is concerning two justices have publicly suggested the 2015 court decision should be re-litigated but encouraging Congress passed the "Respect for Marriage Act" in 2022.

"What we know right now, even if Obergefell is overturned, as long as New Mexico maintains the legalization of same-sex marriages, the federal government will still recognize those New Mexicans' marriages," Martinez outlined.

In supporting the high court's decision to overturn abortion rights in 2022, Justice Clarence Thomas said the court also should revisit the same-sex marriage decision. Justice Samuel Alito has also criticized the landmark ruling. President-elect Donald Trump did not make marriage equality a campaign issue but has surrounded himself with anti-LGBTQ+ staff and appointees.

Martinez reported within the first two days after the Nov. 5 election, LGBTQ+ crisis lines in the U.S. experienced a 700% increase in calls from people concerned about what the outcome might mean for those who identify as gay. He stressed fear and anxiety are premature.

"We're not going to sugarcoat it forever but we have been saying, 'It's not time to panic,'" Martinez explained. "And what we mean by that is we don't know what's going to happen yet. We have some ideas of what they might want to do but we don't know and there's nothing helpful about sort of sitting around in despair and panic, trying to anticipate the worst-case scenario."

Martinez believes some conservative states will continue to criminalize the LGBTQ+ community through bans on gender-affirming care, while others worry newly appointed Trump officials will attempt to slash federal funding for HIV prevention and treatment.

By Andrew Tobias for Signal Cleveland.
Broadcast version by Shanteya Hudson for Ohio News Connection reporting for the Signal Ohio-Public News Service Collaboration

State Sen. Nickie Antonio of Lakewood and other Democrats in the Ohio Senate gave a forceful defense of their party’s stance on transgender rights this week after majority Republicans approved a bathroom bill for state schools and universities.

The bill would require K-12 schools and colleges to designate bathrooms and locker rooms for single-sex use based on students’ sex assigned at birth. The bill passed 23-7, with all Republicans voting “yes” and Democrats voting “no.” It now heads to Gov. Mike DeWine, who soon will decide whether or not to sign it into law.

The vote offered an early example in Ohio of how Democrats may approach LGBTQ issues following the Nov. 5 election. Before the election, Republicans hammered Sen. Sherrod Brown and other vulnerable Democrats on transgender issues.

Since then, some Democrats have suggested backing off of defending transgender rights to try to broaden the party’s appeal, particularly among minority and working-class voters who tend to be more socially conservative. Polling commissioned by Ideastream Public Media, WKYC and Signal Ohio found a majority of Northeast Ohio voters surveyed, including a significant number of Democrats, support the Republican position. LGBTQ advocates have said transgender-related issues are misunderstood by the public unless they have a personal connection. 

But Antonio, who in 2010 became the first openly gay person elected to the state legislature, said Senate Democrats didn’t privately debate the bill’s political merits ahead of the vote. Rather, their discussion focused on how they viewed it as morally wrong.

“We are not going to kick transgender people to the curb and say, well, you’re just dragging us down,” Antonio told Signal Statewide.

During the debate on the floor of the Ohio Senate on Thursday before the vote on the transgender bathroom bill, Republican senators said the election results reinforce that public opinion is on their side.

“Ohioans and Americans … don’t want boys in girls’ sports, they don’t want boys in girls’ locker rooms. They don’t want girls in boys’ bathrooms. It’s for the safety of the kids. And this message was sent loud and clear last week during the national election,” said state Sen. Kristina Roegner, a Hudson Republican.

But Democrats said they view the matter as a civil rights issue.

Antonio said she’s previously resisted private calls to remove the “T” from an LGBTQ nondiscrimination bill that a coalition of gay-rights groups and businesses have tried to pass unsuccessfully for years.

“There has been an effort to segment them off because they are the most marginalized, the most vulnerable, the most misunderstood,” Antonio said of transgender people. “That doesn’t mean we should do it. That means a lot more work has to happen for people to understand rather than malign them.”


Andrew Tobias wrote this article for Signal Cleveland. This story was produced in association with Media in the Public Interest and funded in part by the George Gund Foundation.


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