By Herbert White for the Charlotte Post, with support from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.
Broadcast version by Nadia Ramlagan for North Carolina News Service reporting for the Charlotte Post-Public News Service Collaboration.

Unions have impacted every American worker.

From laws that curb the use of child labor to the 40-hour work week and holidays off, organized labor demanded - on occasion forced - governments and corporations to provide benefits and protections most people take for granted. In more practical terms, Charlotte's transit system last week averted a work stoppage that could've made it more difficult for commuters to move across the city.

Bus drivers and mechanics - represented by SMART Local 1715 - ratified a new collective bargaining agreement with the company that manages Charlotte Area Transit System's bus system by a vote margin of 20 to 1. The contract calls for a wage increase retroactive to July 1, 2022, double-time for work during holidays and adds Juneteenth to the holiday schedule. It also provides night differential pay and increases workers' pension cap.

"I would like to thank the negotiations committee ... for their hard work and tireless effort to deliver a package that the members would accept," SMART Transportation Division Bus Department Vice President Calvin Studivant said in a statement. "The negotiations took more than nine months to complete, but the committee stayed focused on the task at hand and they delivered."

Although North Carolina law prohibits state, city or county government or taxpayer-funded agencies like CATS to negotiate with labor unions. RATPDev, the contract management company for CATS, handles collective bargaining with unionized workers.

"I am very thankful for the hard work that has gone into reaching this agreement, said Brent Cagle, CATS's interim CEO. "This agreement aligns with our values at the City of Charlotte. It focuses on the employee, which is our most valuable asset. This new contract calls for significant wage increases, making our operator positions among the top paid on the East Coast."

Even with greater awareness of unions and their activism, membership rates are near historic lows.

According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, membership as a percentage of the national workforce fell to 10.1% in 2022, which continued a slide from 2021, when the rate was 10.3%. The number of hourly and salaried workers who belong to a union increased by 273,000 to 14.3 million, a 1.9% bump over the previous year, but the overall workforce grew by 5.3 million, or 3.9%, which accounts for the overall rate drop.

Employers, and every state government in the South, contend unions hurt businesses and stifle economic growth. Every state in the region has "right to work" laws that allow employers to hire and fire without repercussion.

Capitalism, business owners and advocacy groups contend, is better prepared to take care of workers and point to lower union participation as proof of their satisfaction.

"Unions are monopoly institutions that raise wages through collective bargaining, not productivity improvements," Richard Epstein, Peter and Kirsten Bedford senior fellow adjunct at the Hoover Institution in Palo Alto, Calif., wrote in 2020 on the institution's website. "The ensuing higher labor costs, higher costs of negotiating collective bargaining agreements, and higher labor market uncertainty all undercut the gains to union workers just as they magnify losses to nonunion employers, as well as to the shareholders, suppliers, and customers of these unionized firms. They also increase the risk of market disruption from strikes, lockouts, or firm bankruptcies whenever unions or employers overplay their hands in negotiation. These net losses in capital values reduce the pension fund values of unionized and nonunionized workers alike."

Government workers make up a greater percentage of union members at 33.1%, more than five times higher than the private sector, which slid to an all-time low of 6%. The overall number of unionized workers is higher in the private sphere at 7.2 million than public (7.1 million).

Black workers are more likely to be union members (11.5%) than whites (10.3%) and 12.5% of Black men are members while 10.6% of Black women belong.
Unionization in the South, though, is all but an afterthought, which directly impacts compensation, benefits and workplace protections in a region where more than half of the nation's Black population live.

Racism vs. organizing

Throughout the 20th century, low-wage southern workers - especially Black people - were systematically excluded from labor protections and union rights extended to their northern peers.

During the 1930s and 1940s, when Congress passed the Fair Labor Standards Act and National Labor Relations Act as part of President Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal policies, southern lawmakers crafted legislative exceptions for agricultural workers, service employees who rely on tips and domestics - where Black people were more prevalent.

As a result of racist hostility upheld through slavery, Reconstruction and Jim Crow, the South has the lowest union density of any region in the U.S. at 6%. Accordingly, southerners are historically paid the lowest wages.

"Workers in the South face unique challenges tied to the legacy of racism that require a unique solution," said Eric Winston, a restaurant cook from Durham and a member of the Union of Southern Service Workers which formed last November in Columbia, S.C. "We are building a union despite the fact that the rules are rigged against us as Southern workers. We are building a union by any means necessary and building it in a way that makes sense for us."

Through collective action, USSW members pledge to confront the historic racism that excludes Black and brown workers from labor and minimum wage laws. Racial attitudes have also impacted attitudes on unionization. Throughout the 20th century, Business, political and bureaucratic leaders conflated labor with the civil rights movement, which were supported in large measure by unions.

During the Cold War, U.S. government agencies like the Federal Bureau of Investigation openly suggested Black activists with national followings such as labor leader A. Philip Randolph and civil rights advocate Martin Luther King Jr. were in cahoots with communists to undercut their advocacy.

Still, labor advocacy is part of Black history.

The Southern Tenant Farmers Union, a fusion of Black and white cotton workers, fought for higher wages and better treatment from landowners. Fannie Lou Hamer was a leader of the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union. Black hospital workers in Charleston, S.C., unionized and carried out a strike despite state law that forbids collective bargaining.

"You have this group of working-class women who are challenging this notion that they can't organize," said O. Jennifer Dixon-McKnight Ph.D., assistant professor of history and African American studies at Winthrop University whose researched the 1969 strike. "Their union can't be recognized, but they have these issues. As working-class Americans, they're trying to get equal pay, right? They're trying to get just the basic respect.

"When we talk about that, and the value of workers being able to organize, but realizing that in the South ... we still have a resistance to that sort of broad approach to labor and to labor organizing and labor unions.

"The question continues to be who do Black workers turn to? What is the resource, where are they supposed to get assistance? And when you think about this legacy of slavery, something that we don't often grapple with [is] the legacy of Jim Crow."

Calling on Congress

Because southern states are bastions of right-to-work law, labor activism in the region sometimes leads to demands for federal intervention.
In December, service workers contracted to Charlotte Douglas International Airport lobbied Congress to pass the Good Jobs for Good Airports Act to ensure living wages and benefits like paid time off and healthcare.

During the holiday season - the most congested and chaotic time to travel in the U.S. - airport workers complained that staffing shortages, difficult workplace conditions made basic duties like cleaning aircraft cabins, collecting trash and handling baggage more difficult.

The Charlotte workers joined protests in 15 other cities organized with the Service Employees International Union, whose 175,000 members in 12 states include 18,000 contracted airport workers.

Without healthcare, paid leave and workplace protections, airport service workers-who say their wages have been near poverty level for 20 years- are at a breaking point.

"We're working in 90-degree weather, carrying bags of trash that can weigh 70 pounds," Shawn Montgomery, a cabin cleaner for Charlotte Douglas contractor Jetstream, said in December. "I've injured both of my knees coming down the steps and now I have to wear knee braces. Sometimes we don't even have easy access to water. It can be dangerous when you're walking in the heat out on the asphalt."

JetStream cabin cleaners said they often encounter vomit, blood, and human waste on the job but are expected to do their work quickly despite understaffing.
According to a 2017 University of California study, wage hikes encourage employee retention and airport security. The airport contractors say the Good Jobs for Good Airports Act will help stabilize airports' workforce, security and move travelers on time.

"We're short staffed because the pay and benefits are not enough for what we do," said Shonda Barber, a JetStream trash truck driver who also fills in as a cabin cleaner. "I work 60 hours a week and am just barely surviving. We don't get enough paid time off, even during the pandemic. I lost two weeks without pay when I had to quarantine."
Even with increased advocacy by Black workers and awareness of labor demands, Dixon-McKnight believes change in the South will be incremental at best.
"We're heading in the right direction, but I don't think we will see meaningful change in our lifetime," she said. "I think we're still too close to Jim Crow. ...When we talk about the sort of racist campaigns of the '50s and '60s and '70s, we're only 50 years out, so that means that there are still people who carried out those kinds of things that are in power now."

Washington joins a handful of states to do away with mandatory meetings for employees on political or religious matters.

Sometimes known as captive audience meetings, the gatherings were seen as a way for employers to give their opinions on subjects like unionization, and held potential consequences for employees who didn't attend. Lawmakers passed a bill this session allowing workers to skip the meetings without repercussions.

Sen. Karen Keiser, D-Des Moines, a sponsor of the bill, said we live in a divided society where emotions run high on political topics.

"This bill simply protects employees to have a real choice on whether or not to attend a meeting called by their boss to be told about some political or religious issue," Keiser explained.

Keiser pointed out the legislation is nonpartisan. For instance, employers could not force employees to attend anti-union meetings, but also could not force them to attend a meeting about the importance of reproductive rights. The bill takes effect June 6.

Keiser noted the bill likely got across the finish line this session because of the uptick in union organizing and support for labor. She added there are widely known stories of Starbucks managers, for example, requiring employees to attend anti-union meetings while the employees organized the workplace.

"Employees have been forced to attend meetings to listen to the boss or the employer basically tell them why they shouldn't join a union," Keiser observed.

Washington is the sixth state to pass a law prohibiting attendance at captive audience meetings. Connecticut, Maine, Minnesota and New York have passed similar laws in recent years. Oregon passed a law allowing workers to skip such meetings without repercussions in 2010.


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A bill vetoed by Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin would have raised the state's minimum wage to $15 an hour starting in 2026.

While the bill moved out of committee and the General Assembly, it did so on party-line votes. Youngkin opposed the bill, saying it could hurt small businesses and some restaurants.

Jay Speer, executive director of the Virginia Poverty Law Center, said it was disappointing to see the measure vetoed.

"Wages are way too low. People cannot afford housing and food and everything else," Speer pointed out. "It's a disappointment that they can't raise the minimum wage so people can survive. I mean, it's long overdue."

Passing the bill was part of a 2020 minimum-wage increase requiring a reauthorization to bring it up to $15. A state study found a person has to make at least $14.55 an hour to afford the cheapest place to live while only spending one-third of his or her income on housing. The current minimum wage in Virginia is $12 an hour, but around 500,000 Virginians make $12 or less.

Youngkin also vetoed a bill ending exemptions from Virginia's minimum-wage requirements for farmworkers or temporary foreign workers.

Kim Bobo, executive director of the Virginia Interfaith Center on Public Policy, said it was not as impactful since most farmworkers make more than the minimum wage. But she said the exemption remains for another reason.

"The only reason farmworkers continue to be exempted in Virginia is racism," Bobo contended. "That's why they're exempted. And, we should just change that, like there's no reason not to. It really does not affect that many workers in Virginia."

Youngkin and other legislators with a farming background said the bill would hinder farmers' ability to turn a profit.

New York restaurant workers need to know their rights to better navigate their workplaces. A new report finds high rates of what it calls "occupational segregation" in the restaurant industry, which can relegate some people to lower-paying jobs.

Workers' rights organizations are counteracting this with training programs. Alima Iskakova, a server for Exquisite Staffing, a catering company, said the CHOW training from Restaurant Opportunities Centers United is helping her.

"Since I completed this training course, I am more confident when it comes to job interviews," she said. "I am more confident - like, when it comes to these types of interviews, plus with all my experience and the knowledge that I got from ROC United, I have a higher income."

She was also trained in safe food handling, OSHA certification and other need-to-know information about the restaurant industry. These courses are available in several cities beyond New York.

The report also notes that, unlike training offered by organizations such as the National Restaurant Association, these courses prioritize developing restaurant workers' power to support individual career development.

The report says racism and sexism abound in the restaurant industry. White men make up a majority of higher-earning positions, such as bartenders.

Although these training courses are helpful, Iskakova noteed that not knowing English can be a disadvantage. She said other cultural differences can make this work challenging.

"In the hospitality industry, even like when people come here as an immigrant, they don't know the rules, they don't know the laws," she said. "And ROC United, they help us to do the cover letter, resume. There are certain things - like, there is a difference."

Another challenge she encountered was the difference between Celsius and Fahrenheit.

Iskakova said her work has been interesting, but she's got ambitions outside of food service. Along with photography, she's a communications major at CUNY.


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