A new report dives into election official turnover during more than two decades. It says rates have increased steadily nationwide since 2000, with the highest level in 2022.

Oregon has kept pace with the national average, increasing from 33% in 2004 to 39% in 2024, according to the Bipartisan Policy Center.

Rachel Orey - senior associate director of the elections project with the center - said elections have increasingly complex jobs alongside the day-to-day logistics, likely driving turnover.

"Today, election officials must manage everything," said Orey, "from cybersecurity risks posed by foreign adversaries, to public communications of people who are doubting the outcome of elections, to information technology, legal disputes, political pressures, human resources. The list goes on."

The West is projected to have the highest turnover of any region in 2024 - with a rate of nearly 42%.

Orey said recent increases have occurred in larger jurisdictions, which have received the brunt of scrutiny in the wake of the 2020 election.

They said increasing workloads for election officials have coincided with widespread reports of threats and harassment that are making election administration untenable work.

"That's where state and federal legislators can really step in," said Orey, "to provide adequate resources, competitive compensation levels and safety protections for election officials."

However, turnover doesn't necessarily mean the people taking over are inexperienced. Orey said new officials have an average of eight years of experience in top-level positions.

"So, when we see a turnover in a chief election official, it isn't always the case that someone new is coming in who doesn't know what they're doing," said Orey. "Rather, we see more often that it is folks with lots of experience in elections who are stepping into these chief roles."

Support for this reporting was provided by the Carnegie Corporation of New York.




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Wisconsin experienced its first election using the state's new competitive political maps, and experts said it made a significant difference in outcomes.

Although Republicans still have the upper hand, their supermajority is quashed and Democrats made some key gains in the Wisconsin Legislature, which they believe puts them in a better position to gain chamber control in 2026.

David Helpap, associate professor of political science at the University of Wisconsin-Green Bay, said it lays the groundwork for changes in future policy proposals.

"As districts become more competitive, it makes it more difficult for those who are elected officials in those districts to really propose policies that are too far left or right of center," Helpap explained. "Simply because they know they're going to have to answer to voters that are more 'center' than they used to be."

He pointed out the new legislative maps leveled the playing field for legislators in a way Wisconsin hasn't seen in more than a decade, making it possible for Democrats to pick up key seats in districts covering the northern Milwaukee suburbs, the north side of Madison, as well as Richland and Sauk counties, the Green Bay area and much of the Fox Cities.

Until Gov. Tony Evers came into office, Republicans had free rein in choosing which policies to push forward, Helpap added. But Evers changed the dynamic overall, most recently with the new legislative maps.

One of the biggest upcoming policy issues is the next state budget. From K-12 education to funding local government, the University of Wisconsin system and corrections, Helpap emphasized it is where Wisconsinites could see the effect of the map changes the most, and the dynamic will be different.

"There's no doubt that Republicans still have the majority and they can sort of proceed in that fashion," Helpap observed. "But I think perhaps some folks will be thinking about the next election cycle and maybe the implications of specific decisions that they'll be making during this budget process."

Wisconsin also picked up a key Democratic win on the national level, with Wisconsin Sen. Tammy Baldwin winning a third term in the U.S. Senate by less than a percentage point.


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Minnesota voters this week signed off on giving a longer shelf life to a funding tool helping protect the state's natural resources and its backers see more room for making farmland climate resilient.

Nearly 78% of Minnesota voters said yes to Amendment 1, a 25-year extension of a constitutional amendment dedicating 40% of lottery proceeds to the Environment and Natural Resources Fund.

Theresa Keaveny, Minnesota state policy lead for the group Climate Land Leaders, said the program has already helped spur adoption of practices such as managed grazing of farm animals to help restore the health of some landscapes. She argued smaller family farms need more support to embrace conservation.

"In this time of low corn and soybean prices, money that is available to help incentivize these kinds of practices is absolutely critical if we are to ensure that we have good-quality drinking water and don't pollute our rivers, lakes and streams," Keaveny contended.

Keaveny noted the latest extension creates a specialized grant program for rural and other underrepresented communities to pursue environmental projects. She stressed sustainable agriculture could be part of a more localized mix. Despite Minnesota's efforts, the state's southeast region has drawn the focus of the federal Environmental Protection Agency over nitrate pollution in water resources.

Keaveny noted the fund, first established in 1988, has also aided research in the area of cover crops, another climate-friendly farming practice. She emphasized pushing ahead with efforts to make the products more profitable can hopefully build a stronger movement within farming circles.

"There's an openness once farmers are given information," Keaveny observed. "But the financial risks have to be minimized so that farmers can make the transition. "

According to state data from earlier this year, farmers enrolled in the Minnesota Agricultural Water Quality Certification Program have higher profits than noncertified operations.


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Donald Trump's victory in the race for the White House was again aided by wins in rural states such as Nebraska.

While other contributing factors are discussed, a rural expert says it's clear longstanding political sentiments in smaller towns haven't changed. As the results from Tuesday night are examined, political analysts cite Trump's gain with Latino voters.

Nick Jacobs, assistant professor of government at Colby College is also an author who has written about rural issues, and says the campaign also regained some ground in rural America that it had lost in 2020. Jacobs said if the media or political strategists try again to understand why these areas still largely back Trump, they have to resist preconceived notions.

"We're going to see it again with these diner interviews - is that prior to even being interviewed [post-2016], rural people were put into this prefabricated box," he explained. "And the truth is, voters in rural places -- [like] urban places -- they're complicated."

It's been decades in the making, but Jacobs feels the public still doesn't grasp that rural voters feel underappreciated by the political establishment. The trouble is, he added, this generally doesn't lend itself to policies that can directly appeal to them. He thinks Democrats should keep trying to produce local candidates who can relate to these voters, adding that having both parties find success in rural America is good for democracy.

Jacobs said his research, along with separate polling, has shown that rural and urban voters often agree on certain issues.

"Concerns about corporate monopolies, freedom within, sort of, the marketplace, whether that's for health care or reproductive rights -- there are very few policy issues that divide the two," he explained.

In Nebraska, voters this week rejected an abortion rights amendment and instead endorsed restrictions, even as reproductive rights saw victories in other conservative states. However, Nebraskans did approve paid sick-leave requirements, a policy often aligned with the Left.

The Biden administration's big policy achievements, the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and the Inflation Reduction Act, have paved the way for a lot of rural investment. But Jacobs says many projects aren't shovel-ready yet, and aren't likely to move the needle with rural voters hesitant to embrace them.

"It can't be such a simple story as, 'Spend money and the votes will follow,' because what we're talking about [is] decades of feeling like 'the government has left me behind,'" he concluded.


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