By Emily Bader for The Maine Monitor.
Broadcast version by Kathryn Carley for Maine News Service reporting for the Rural News Network-Public News Service Collaboration
When polls close at 8 p.m. on Nov. 5, six trained election clerks in New Vineyard, a town of about 700 in Franklin County, will start counting ballots by hand. There are 13 questions on New Vineyard voters' ballots: eight races for county, state and federal positions and five state referendum questions. Each of these votes will have to be tallied independently - not once, but twice.
Election clerks will divide into groups of two (generally one Democrat and one Republican), and each group will count batches of 50 ballots at a time. Working concurrently, the two clerks will review the same ballot and state aloud the race or question and the choice - "State Senate, Jane Doe; Question 1, Yes" - and each will record the voter's selection on their individual tally sheets.
As each batch of ballots is completed, the teams will compare their tally sheets to ensure that they match. If they don't, the team has to recount the race or question that was off. Once everything is settled, the clerks sign the certification on the tally sheets and one sheet goes to the warden and the other stays bundled with the ballots.
Michelle Beedy, New Vineyard's town clerk, said she would like to get voting tabulation equipment, such as the hand-fed optical scanners the majority of Maine municipalities use to count ballots.
"It just would make counting a lot easier," Beedy said. "There's a lot to counting those ballots."
But the town enjoys its traditions, hauling out an old-fashioned wooden ballot box for each election.
New Vineyard is one of 150 towns, or about a third of all voting jurisdictions in Maine, that counts ballots by hand. Each of the towns has fewer than 750 registered voters, though the average number of voters among the towns is much lower, at 251.
In Maine, unlike most of the country, elections are run by municipalities. Nationwide, elections for 90 percent of registered voters are run at the county level. Only half of a percentage of those voters' ballots are exclusively hand counted. By contrast, Maine jurisdictions that hand count ballots represent 4 percent of registered voters, or about 37,000 people.
(Not all Maine voters' polling places are in the same jurisdiction as where they're registered to vote, especially in unorganized territories. The 241 registered voters from Connor Township in Aroostook County, for example, will go to Caribou to vote in the upcoming election.)
Maine's other 330 cities and towns use devices called hand-fed optical scanners, which scan hand-marked paper ballots and tabulate the votes cast, storing the data on a memory stick-like device. If something on the ballot is incorrect or unclear, like too many choices filled in for a single race or a partially filled in bubble, an alert displays on the screen and offers to return the ballot for correction.
Since 2012, Maine has had a contract with the company Election Systems & Software, which makes optical scanners. Municipalities can opt in to receiving the DS200 ballot scanning device at no cost to them, Secretary of State Shenna Bellows told The Monitor.
In the 12 years since Maine entered into that contract, the number of cities and towns that opt to hand count has gone down significantly: in 2012, only about one-third of towns used a hand-fed optical scanner to tabulate their ballots, while the remaining two-thirds hand counted.
More than 2,300 voting jurisdictions from 39 states or territories, including Maine, use this particular make and model of ballot scanning device, according to Verified Voting, a nonpartisan organization that researches the use of technology in elections.
Per state law, it is up to municipalities to decide if they want to use state-approved tabulation equipment, which besides hand counting is the only other state-approved tabulation method. Bellows said her office strongly suggests large municipalities do so.
"The data demonstrates that hand counting increases the possibility of human error, and it takes a lot longer to count ballots when you're doing it by hand," Bellows said.
A peer-reviewed study published in the Election Law Journal compared the election night hand count and the statewide recount for two Wisconsin elections and found that vote counts done by scanning devices were more accurate on average than those tallied by hand.
Bellows referred to other reports on elections in New Hampshire and Nevada that found hand counting to have much higher error rates than scanners.
But she gets why small towns like New Vineyard stick to hand counting.
"We understand that they prefer the old-fashioned hand count, recognizing that it's really important that they be as scrupulous as possible in ensuring the accuracy of that count," she said.
GOP lawmakers and supporters in some states have made a push to go back to hand counting ballots, including in New Hampshire where Trump ally and MyPillow founder Mike Lindell, peddling unfounded conspiracy theories of fraud related to voting tabulation devices, like optical scanners, helped orchestrate a campaign to get rid of them earlier this year.
But Pam Smith, the president and CEO of Verified Voting, said the number of voting jurisdictions that have gotten rid of their equipment in favor of hand counting remains small nationwide. In New Hampshire, the effort failed - just one small town voted to ban voting machines, and the decision is unlikely to stand.
Smith said the DS200 optical scanners used across the state are secure and accurate, particularly because all Maine jurisdictions, regardless of how they tabulate votes, use hand-marked paper ballots. This ensures there is a paper trail in case of a recount or audit. (A law allowing the Secretary of State to conduct post-election audits goes into effect on Jan. 1.)
"It's important to have that evidence because then you can use it," Smith said. "If your system was purely electronic and there was no separate record that the voter could see and confirm, then you don't have that same benefit and that equipment is not securable in the same way that a scanner is."
All but 1.4 percent of voters in the U.S. will have a paper record of their votes in the upcoming election, including hand- or device-marked paper ballots or receipt-like print-outs called Voter Verified Paper Audit Trails.
All Maine jurisdictions also have ballot-marking devices called ExpressVote from the same manufacturer that makes the optical scanners, which allow people with disabilities to vote "privately and independently," according to Verified Voting's equipment database.
The device generates a printed ballot when the voter is finished, which is then tabulated by a scanner or by hand. (Some Maine voters with disabilities also have the option to vote absentee via a secure online portal.)
Smith said the security and accuracy of hand counted ballots depends on how many voters there are: the larger a jurisdiction gets, the more difficult it is to "cautiously and carefully" tabulate votes in a timely manner. And the larger the jurisdiction, the more expensive and time-intensive the process - a point Bellows echoed.
"Mainers are accustomed to receiving results on election night, and the tabulators advance the speed of the results as well as the accuracy," Bellows said.
Beedy, New Vineyard's town clerk, said she'll have two election clerks counting absentee ballots throughout the day, and four more clerks counting ballots cast on election day once the polls close. Each clerk is paid minimum wage, $14.15 an hour. Beedy and the election warden will be there the entire time. It will cost the town - which only has about 530 registered voters - about $700 for just the six election clerks and more than 14 hours to count every vote.
"We're responsible for every single ballot," she said. "You miss one number and your whole tally sheet is off. So you could be back trying to find one ballot out of 800."
Beedy figures the election clerks will be counting until at least 11 p.m.
"If all goes well," she said.
This story was originally produced byEmily Bader of The Maine Monitor as part of the Rural News Network, an initiative of the Institute for Nonprofit News (INN), supporting more than 475 independent, nonprofit news organizations.
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By Vanessa Davidson / Broadcast version by Farah Siddiqi reporting for the Kent State NewsLab-Ohio News Connection Collaboration.
“As Ohio goes, so goes the nation” is a saying that rang true for many presidential election cycles. Ohio was a key swing state for decades, voting with the winner of U.S. presidential elections every year from 1960 until 2020.
But since 2012, the margin of voters in favor of Republican presidential candidates has steadily increased. In 2012, around 47.7% of Ohio voters favored the Republican presidential candidate, followed by 51.7% in 2016 and 53.3% in 2020.
In 2024, Donald Trump won 55.2% of Ohio votes.
Experts cite a variety of reasons for that shift — including a decline in the power of labor unions, fewer college-educated voters than the national average and the effectiveness of the Republican Party’s campaign methods.
“Because we were a big manufacturing state, and because manufacturing jobs did usually require a college education, it wasn't necessary for a lot of Ohioans to get a college degree,” said former Ohio Governor Bob Taft, now a professor at The University of Dayton .
“And you know, one of the key breaks now between Republican voters and Democrat voters is Republicans are doing a lot better with and particularly Trump is doing a lot better with voters without a college degree,” he said. “So I think that too is one of the factors that explains why Ohio has become so red as a state.”
Like many of the states that surround it, Ohio is what’s known as a Rust Belt state. With the flourishing of automotive and manufacturing industries, many blue-collar jobs emerged between the 19th century and the 20th century.
However, throughout the later half of the 20th century and early 21st century, factories gradually closed, taking manufacturing and supporting jobs with them. As a result, numbers in labor unions dwindled, causing a lack of resources and campaigning — a hit that impacted the strategy of the Democratic Party.
“Organized labor was a big part of the Democratic strength in Ohio when I first entered politics, because the labor unions had to have more members,” said Taft.
Taft was governor of Ohio from 1999 to 2007, representing the Republican Party. Ted Strickland, a Democrat, served one term after Taft. All Ohio’s governors since 2011 have been Republicans.
Unions at that time, Taft said, “Had more resources. They actively engaged in political campaigns, generally on behalf of Democratic candidates. We still have labor unions which still have some members, but it's not on the scale that it used to be, say, 20 or 30 years ago.”
Ohio’s working class sought out support and representation after the 2007 recession, and still continue to by voting for candidates that prioritize their needs. The focus on blue-collar workers was key to former President Barack Obama’s consecutive wins in 2008 and 2012.
“Obama did carry Ohio twice, but Obama was, I think, perceived as a change candidate, someone that would make things better,” Taft said. “And so, he was able to appeal to a broader group of voters than a Democrat might normally appeal to in Ohio.”
Donald Trump's victory in 2024 has also been partly attributed to his focus on promising change and speaking towards the working class.
Social media has also played a role in Trump’s victories since he was able to reach broader audiences, said Dr. Lauren Copeland, the director of Community Research Institute at Baldwin Wallace University.
“Social media has played a large role in creating divisiveness in society, and at the same time, it's also provided candidates — such as former President Trump and now incoming President Trump — with platforms to directly reach out to their base without having to go through the media,” Copeland said.
“I don't think that Trump would have succeeded as much as he did in 2016 had he not used Twitter effectively to reach his base.”
College degrees have also had a big impact on the way Ohioans vote. People with college degrees are more likely to vote Democrat than people without college degrees.
Voters without degrees lean toward Republicans. According to the Pew Research Center, around 63% of Republican voters in 2022 did not have college degrees, compared to 49% of Democratic voters.
This divide in education represents a broader perspective. Often, people without college degrees prioritize issues like immigration and job security, which are topics that align with more conservative policies.
“People without a four-year college degree tend to be more conservative than people who have a four-year degree, or especially an advanced degree,” said Copeland.
According to 2023 census data, 32% of Ohioans have bachelor’s degrees, 4.2 percentage points below the national average of 36.2%.
Racial demographics also play a part in how a community votes. Outside of major cities where the majority of people of color live — like Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnati, Akron, Toledo and Dayton — all other counties in Ohio voted red in 2024.
“People who are nonwhite, such as African Americans, tend to be more liberal than their white counterparts,” said Copeland.
In 2023, 76.7% of Ohioans were white, compared to 58.4% of Americans overall.
“When you have a state like Ohio that has a lot less diversity than, say, other states like Illinois, New York, or even some of the states in the southwest, then you're going to have a climate in which Republicans are going to be more likely to win,” Copeland said.
With these many different factors influencing Ohio’s political landscape, Ohio’s future as a swing state is questionable.
“Ohio will still be overall, in all probability, a Republican state, but… not as Republican as a state like Montana,” said Taft. “So I think a Democrat will win, potentially statewide, in Ohio. But it's a little uphill for the Democrat Party.”
This collaboration is produced in association with Media in the Public Interest and funded in part by the George Gund Foundation.
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Lawmakers in Annapolis plan to introduce a bill to require a special election if a lawmaker is appointed to a seat in the first half of their term.
Maryland's constitution requires the political party committee in the district the former lawmaker represented to pick a replacement to fill the seat. The recommendation then is sent to the governor, who usually approves the person.
Del. Linda Foley, D-Montgomery County, the sponsor of the bill, said voters are sometimes represented by an appointed lawmaker for as long as four years.
"You end up with a rather large percentage of the General Assembly then being appointed and not elected and not facing the voters," Foley pointed out. "This has been an ongoing debate about whether this is a democratic way to replace people."
Nearly a quarter of state legislators in Maryland, including Foley, started in the legislature by political appointment, rather than an election.
The bill would not do away with the appointment process entirely. State legislators serve four-year terms, running in midterm elections. An appointment would be made, though any lawmaker appointed in the first half of the term would have to run in a special election held during the Presidential primary and general elections.
Foley emphasized the bill is not meant to fill every vacancy with a special election, a process she said would be costly.
"There is a cost factor to holding elections all the time and it's not insubstantial," Foley acknowledged. "Not to say that you can put a price on democracy, but you do have to consider what's the cost of doing this. Two years in office without having to face the voters isn't as problematic as four."
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By Marilyn Odendahl for The Indiana Citizen.
Broadcast version by Joe Ulery for Indiana News Service reporting for the Indiana Citizen-Free Press Indiana-Public News Service Collaboration.
For St. Joseph County Circuit Court Clerk Amy Rolfes, the statistics only confirmed what she had been seeing and hearing from voters in the days and weeks leading into the Nov. 5 election.
Nearly 59,000 registered voters in the Northern Indiana county cast a ballot either by mail or by going to the polls before Election Day, topping the number of voters who visited the polls on Nov. 5 by more than 5,000.
However, Rolfes already knew early voting was popular by the public's reaction to St. Joseph County's third early-voting site that was opened this year for the first time. The new polling place was opened two weeks before the general election in Center Township's public library, located in the southern portion of the county.
The site was busy every single day it was operating, Rolfes said, and voters were thanking the staff giving them a convenient place to vote.
"Clearly the voters have spoken," Rolfes said. "They enjoy early voting."
The final vote tallies from the November election show the popularity of early voting was similar across the state to what Rolfes saw in St. Joseph County. According to data from the Indiana Secretary of State, 1.6 million eligible Hoosier voters - 54% of all who cast a ballot in the 2024 general election - voted either absentee or in person prior to Election Day. Comparatively, 1.87 million registered Indiana voters - 61% of those who voted - went to the polls early in the 2020 general election.
Despite the early voting numbers, Indiana's overall voter participation slipped this year. The secretary of state reported that 4.84 million Hoosiers were registered to vote in November, which is 86,085 more than were registered in November 2020. However 2.97 million, or 61%, voted in the 2024 general election, which is 94,349 fewer than the 3.07 million, or 65%, who voted four years ago.
Julia Vaughn, executive director of Common Cause Indiana, said she is disappointed that lawmakers are not doing more to improve the state's voter turnout numbers. Changes that would enable more Hoosiers to vote include same day voter registration, extending voting hours, and prohibiting candidates and their supporters from being any closer than, at least, 100 feet from the entrance of a polling site on Election Day.
"That's frustrating when clearly we have a big problem with turnout and zero problems in term of (election) security, yet our policymakers continue to make voting more restrictive in the name of making it more secure," Vaughn said. "We should be opening it up in the name of getting more people involved."
Demand continues for early voting
Like St. Joseph County, Clark County in Southern Indiana opened another early voting site for the November election.
Clark County Circuit Court Clerk Ryan Lynch said the second polling place, at the R.E.M.C. building along U.S. 60, was a more convenient option for voters in the middle and northern parts of the county. They did not have to travel to the courthouse in downtown Jeffersonville to vote.
Lynch said he believes the additional polling location motivated more people to vote early. Although the 22,522 voters in Clark County who voted either by mail or in-person before Election Day was down from the 28,666 who cast an early ballot in 2020, he does not expect interest in early voting to wither.
"I think we should definitely plan for big turnouts for early voting and put more resources into that to be prepared," Lynch said.
After the Marion County Election Board voted against extending early voting by two hours in the morning, Marion County Circuit Court Clerk Kate Sweeney Bell kept the polling site in the City County Building open until 10 p.m. the Saturday and Sunday before the Nov. 5 election. She said she added hours in the evening to make voting more convenient and had noticed that individuals who voted in the evening were wearing uniforms, indicating they were shift workers in hospitals, law enforcement agencies and private companies.
"It worked," Sweeney Bell said, but she did not commit to extending the hours in future elections.
In Marion County, 165,186, or 46% of registered voters, cast an absentee or early ballot in 2024. That was down from the 215,931, or 55% of registered voters, who voted before Election Day in 2020.
Not only were Hoosiers voting early this year, but they were, apparently, seeking answers to their voting questions sooner.
Ami Gandhi, director of strategic initiatives and the Midwest Voting Rights Program at the Chicago Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights, said during the early-voting period, more Indiana voters were calling the 866-OUR-VOTE election protection hotline the CLCCR established. Also, they were calling before the voter registration deadline passed and before absentee voting began.
"Across the board, we heard from voters in many different parts of the state who have an interest in expanded access to early voting, including voters who wanted more locations in their county (and) voters who were seeking expanded hours and who were shocked, and at times upset, by the relative early end time to early voting on any given day," Gandhi said.
A 'chilling impact,' low turnout
Wells and Whitely counties recorded the highest turnout rates in Indiana at 73% each in November. Marion and St. Joseph counties tallied the lowest turnout rates in the state at 55% each.
Sweeney Bell was disappointed by her county's low turnout. She said the first hour the polls were open on Election Day, about 40,000 people voted in Marion County; however, the rush of voters that usually comes between 4 and 6 p.m. never materialized.
"I'm baffled when people have such power and choose not the exercise it," Sweeney Bell said, adding that voting is essentially asking people who they want making the decisions that will affect every part of their lives. She said she is disappointed and not sure why people chose to stay home, rather than go vote.
"If I knew why, I could do something about it," Sweeney Bell said.
Rolfes tried to encourage voting in St. Joseph County by producing a couple of educational videos. She was allowed to use the local public television station's studio for an hour and half and she made four "super nerdy" videos, providing instruction on such things as voting by mail and using the voting machine to cast a ballot.
"Voting information is key to increasing voter turnout," Rolfes said.
Vaughn, of Common Cause Indiana, said she believes some new voters and naturalized citizens did not go to the polls this year because of the claim by Indiana Attorney General Todd Rokita and Indiana Secretary of State Diego Morales about noncitizens voting in state elections. The two elected officials announced a few weeks before the Nov. 5 election, that they had asked the federal government to verify the citizenship status of 585,774 individuals on Indiana's voting rolls.
Calling the move by Rokita and Morales a "political stunt," Vaughn alleged the whole point of creating the list and the making announcement was to have a "chilling impact" to discourage people from voting. She said the election protection hotline did not get any calls from individuals who had their citizenship status challenged when they tried to vote, but some new voters did call the CLCCR hotline with concerns about causing trouble if they cast a ballot.
"How widespread that (was), I can't really say, but we, at least, heard from a few people and I've done this long enough to know when you get a few calls, there are many more people who didn't call," Vaughn said. "They just stayed home."
Intimidation incidents rising on Election Day
Along with Indiana voters asking for the location of their polling place and what they should do if the poll book does not have them listed as a registered voter, Gandhi said the election protection hotline also received calls about voter intimidation and aggressive electioneering at some polling places.
Reports of intimidation included Hamilton County, where a group of individuals were standing outside a polling place waving Make America Great Again flags and harassing voters, according to CLCCR and Vaughn.
Sweeney Bell said in Marion County, poll worker training was updated to include de-escalation techniques. The additional instruction was in response to the false rhetoric about insufficient election security and ineligible voting, she said.
"I have no worries about the security of the ballot," Sweeney Bell said. "I worry about the security of the poll workers."
That training appears to have helped defuse an incident at a Marion County polling place that is still being investigated and could result in criminal charges. According to Sweeney Bell and Vaughn, a man became belligerent and shouted profanities, after he was told he had to remove his Make America Great Again hat and turn his T-shirt, which identified a specific candidate, inside out. The man took off his shirt, revealing he was carrying two guns and a knife. The police were called and the poll workers were able to get the man through the voting process as quickly as possible so he left with harming anyone.
Sweeney Bell said a report detailing what happened is still being compiled. The Marion County Election Board is scheduled to meet Dec. 12, she said, and the members will talk about the incident.
"I don't think it's over," Sweeney Bell said.
In Clark County, Lynch said poll workers at one voting site were also able to defuse a situation on Election Day. Someone came to the polling place and wanted to sit and watch the machine that tabulates all the ballots. The workers at the site enlisted help from the clerk's office and the staff was able to mitigate the situation so the individual left and police did not have to be called, he said.
Vaughn said the misinformation and intimidation has gotten "exponentially worse" since 2016. Indiana's laws do not provide much protection or prevention of escalating situations, she said, noting the state allows people to electioneer within 50 feet of the polling place, one of the shortest distances in the country, and while the state permits voting sites to restrict weapons and post signs, the statute has no teeth, so officials can do little if anyone violates the restrictions.
"People (are) being very hostile to voters who they perceive to be making different choices from them," Vaughn said. "Hoosiers need to practice a lot more tolerance during election season than we have been. It just seems to be getting worse each presidential election year. We desperately need somebody to bring the temperature down."
Marilyn Odendahl wrote this article for The Indiana Citizen.
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