By Nina B. Elkadi for Sentient.
Broadcast version by Judith Ruiz-Branch for Illinois News Connection reporting for the Sentient-Public News Service Collaboration

Eighty-one percent of evaluated poultry workers were found to be at high risk of developing musculoskeletal disorders, a new study from the U.S. Department of Agriculture says. This risk is primarily driven by high piece rates, which is the number of animals or pieces of meat handled by each slaughterhouse worker. Nearly half of pork processing workers evaluated were also at high risk for injury.

On January 10, the department released the results of two studies, one on poultry workers and one on processed pork workers, that looked at the impact of line speed and workloads on worker health. The studies showed that piece rate was an important metric in determining workplace safety. While line speed is important, the number of people working on each line combined with line speed provides a more comprehensive risk analysis. Among surveyed poultry workers, 40 percent reported moderate to severe pain in the last year. Most did not report that pain to supervisors.

"These USDA studies reaffirm what we have long known - that poultry and swine slaughter poses serious risk to workers, regardless of line speed. We must take stronger action to protect these workers and ensure the safety of our food supply chain," United Food and Commercial Workers International Union president Marc Perrone wrote in a press release.

According to United Nations FAO estimates, each day 206 million chickens and 4 million pigs are killed for food. The vast majority are raised on factory farms and killed and processed in meatpacking plants, where risks to workers such as amputation and severe falls are common.

The studies' authors recommend lowering piece rates by increasing staffing, adapting workstations for better ergonomic practices and improving medical management within workplaces. According to data from the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, poultry and meat companies remain among the most dangerous to work for, in large-part due to injuries from keeping up with fast line speeds.

"Since the first term of Trump's administration the problem of increasing the line speed and the decrease of the workforce have become some of the most important issues workers have been struggling with every day," Magaly Licolli, executive director of Venceremos, an Arkansas-based poultry-worker advocacy group, wrote to Sentient.

"The findings of the reports are alarming, but not surprising to us because we've seen how for the past years, the industry has been putting workers' health and safety at risk for the sake of their own profits," wrote Licolli, who also called on the USDA and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration to pass standards to prevent increasing line speed.

During the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Trump administration used federal legislation to declare meatpacking facilities essential, forcing workers to spend hours inside of buildings that would become hotspots for the virus. The Trump administration also granted poultry plants the ability to increase line speed, which some groups, like the Food Integrity Campaign, have been working to reverse through litigation. The studies released last week were a result of these lawsuits and pushback. During the height of the pandemic, as many as 269 meatpacking employees died and 59,000 workers tested positive for the virus.

"Industrial animal agriculture operates on a model of systemic exploitation to increase their profit margins at the expense of the well-being of animals, workers and rural communities. Today's USDA studies on swine and poultry processing workers clearly show the human cost: life-altering injuries, painful work conditions and high risks tied to relentless production speeds and piece-rate pay structures," Jessica Culpepper, executive director of FarmSTAND, a legal advocacy group, wrote to Sentient. "The incoming administration's history of deregulating Big Ag and advancing policies that strip protections from vulnerable workers will only deepen these injustices."


Nina B. Elkadi wrote this article for Sentient.


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New data show fewer than half of rural Gen Z'ers believe they can find a good job in their community, compared to nearly 70% of their urban peers.

Oregon is following the national trend along with a growing rural-urban income gap.

Megan Tuck, program coordinator for the Central Oregon Intergovernmental Council, grew up in St. Paul, a small town in the Willamette Valley and now lives in Bend. She said she would have liked to stay in her hometown, but there are few opportunities there for work.

"That was the options, I feel like, growing up for me and a lot of my peers was you either move away, live in St. Paul and commute somewhere, or you work on farms, which is still an amazing profession," Tuck explained.

In 1980, the average rural Oregon household earned about 10% less than an urban family. Today, the gap has widened to 25%. Trump administration cuts to the federal workforce would only worsen the situation, as federal jobs make up a larger share of employment in rural Oregon counties and tend to pay more.

Data show rural youth, like Tuck, are more likely to want to stay closer to home than city-dwellers. Tuck pointed out she and a lot of her peers found city life challenging and missed their hometown community, though many initially wanted to leave after high school.

"Then at the same time, I see a lot of my peers and I as we get older, reflecting and realizing we actually want to come back and we actually want to live here," Tuck emphasized.

Tuck noted employment is not the only challenge to come with living rurally. She stressed rental housing options are also limited. Research shows rural Oregonian incomes are on par with rural American incomes, but rents are 16% higher.

Tuck added people in rural communities are afraid of losing their young people but many have no choice but to leave to find living-wage jobs. Regardless of the challenges she and her generation face, Tuck is determined to find a solution.

"How do you transition some rural economies to still keep the character of the community but also create opportunities for young people?" Tuck asked.


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The Iowa Legislature has advanced a bill to provide a $1 billion tax cut to companies covering unemployment benefits for out-of-work Iowans.

Iowa lawmakers reduced the maximum number of weeks Iowans could file for unemployment benefits in 2022 from 26 weeks to 16. The money the state has saved by not paying the additional benefits went into a trust fund, which has reached nearly $2 billion. Now, lawmakers are giving half the money back to business in the form of a tax cut.

Peter Hird, secretary-treasurer of the Iowa Federation of Labor, said Senate File 504 is a blow to people who are looking for work and now have a lot less time to find it while watching companies get a tax cut.

"If you take a benefit, a protection for workers, and then turn that into a tax savings for employers, it's a totally man-made tax cut," Hird pointed out. "This isn't just because of good luck."

The bill is through committee and awaits action on the Senate floor. Gov. Kim Reynolds said she is following through on a campaign pledge to lower taxes for Iowa companies, making the state more attractive to those considering locating in the state.

Hird noted labor groups also worry about what happens in the event of an unexpected economic downturn and added the fears are prominent in rural Iowa.

"Especially if you're working in the ag sector where your job is at stake, and you're talking about giving more benefits to rich people?," Hird emphasized. "I feel like that's just something that's resonating across the country right now."

Reynolds has proposed cutting the highest unemployment tax rate companies pay from 7% to 5.4%, which would save them nearly a billion dollars over five years.

Kentucky lawmakers are considering a bill that would ban the state from enforcing existing worker safety laws that are above and beyond federal standards. Critics say it would weaken worker's rights and put employees in manufacturing, construction, mining, and other dangerous jobs at higher risk. According to state data from 2022, Kentucky's workplace injury and death rates are higher than the national average.

Dustin Reinstedler, Kentucky AFL-CIO president, said Kentucky needs state laws that match industry-specific needs and challenges.

"There's so many things like coal mining, the bourbon industry, some of the heavy metals, aluminum and steel manufacturing that we have here that really aren't in other states," he explained.

If passed, House Bill 398 would eliminate the right of a worker's family, clergy, or attorney to request a safety inspection - a right that exists in all other states. It would also shorten the time for an employee to file a worker safety complaint and for the state to issue employer citations.

Supporters of the measure say matching worker safety regulations to the standards set by the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration will spur economic development. But Reinstedler added that the Commonwealth is already experiencing record economic growth, jobs and capital investment.

"There's this kind of like false information flying around that somehow there are companies out there saying, "Oh gosh, I wish Kentucky would relax their rules against worker safety so we could come there and do business,"', when we know the facts, the data is there," he continued.

Jason Bailey, executive director of the Kentucky Center for Economic Policy explained that the bill would also threaten the state with financial penalties for enforcing safety laws.

"Making the state pay court costs, and that really will intimidate the state from issuing citations and incentivize employers to contest them," he said.

Kentucky's maximum penalty for workplace safety violations is $7,000 and can hit $70,000 for willful or repeated violations, while OSHA's is more than $16,000 per violation and $161,000 for willful or repeated violations.