By Maurice Chammah for The Marshall Project.
Broadcast version by Nadia Ramlagan for Ohio News Connection reporting for the Marshall Project-Public News Service Collaboration

Next week, Alabama prison officials plan to escort Kenneth Eugene Smith from his cell, strap a mask to his face and replace his breathing air with nitrogen gas. It would likely be the first execution of its kind anywhere in the world.

How did we get here? Lethal injection has been the dominant method in the United States for decades, but around 2010, pharmaceutical companies began refusing to sell the necessary drugs to prison agencies. States turned to new suppliers and drug cocktails under the cover of new secrecy laws. But the disruptions led to more public scrutiny of the method as journalists gave reports of prisoners screaming, choking and being cut and stabbed in the search for veins.

Some states abandoned executions entirely, leading to an overall decline in recent years, while others considered alternatives. South Carolina built a firing squad chamber, while Arizona refurbished a gas chamber.

Alabama state officials have said the goal of "nitrogen hypoxia" is for the prisoner to quickly lose consciousness as oxygen leaves his or her body. But Smith lawyer's are asking a series of federal courts to stop the execution, arguing that if something goes wrong, he might vomit, asphyxiate or be left in a persistent vegetative state. So far, they've been unsuccessful.

There were 11 gas executions in the U.S. between 1979 and 1999, according to the Death Penalty Information Center, a research group that tracks executions. Those involved filling a chamber with cyanide gas, leading to suffocation. By contrast, nitrogen has been proposed for euthanasia patients in Europe, and politicians who support it point to accidental deaths of pilots and scuba divers. Oklahoma legislators reportedly watched YouTube videos of teenagers passing out from a similar lack of oxygen after inhaling helium.

Smith was convicted of killing Elizabeth Sennett in 1988, after being hired by her husband, who was seeking a life insurance payout. Alabama attempted to execute Smith in 2022 using lethal injection, but gave up after spending four hours trying to insert an IV.

The copy of Alabama's new nitrogen protocol that appears in court records is heavily redacted, but if Smith is executed on Jan. 25 as scheduled, other states could begin using nitrogen in similar ways. The Marshall Project spoke with Dr. Jeffrey Keller, president of the American College of Correctional Physicians, which trains and represents doctors who work behind bars, about this moment in the history of executions. Our conversation has been edited for length and clarity.

Maurice Chammah: What should the average person understand about an execution by nitrogen? What might happen if this method catches on nationally?

Jeffrey Keller: I don't have much to say about how it's going to work because nobody does. It's entirely experimental. There is some concern that leaking nitrogen could affect bystanders, and I don't know if that's true, because nobody knows.

It's also proposed to be painless, and I know that is wrong: The proponents refer to people who have become nitrogen-intoxicated during airplane flights, or scuba diving, and then woke up and reported they didn't feel anything. But the incarcerated person knows exactly what's going to happen.

If I told you, at 11 a.m. tomorrow, I'm going to place a plastic bag over your head and suffocate you to death, you'd have intense anxiety and fear and the release of stress hormones, up until the moment that it happens. Is that suffering? Of course. But how much they'll feel when the nitrogen hits, I don't know - because, again, nobody knows.

MC: Veterinarians have shied away from using nitrogen for animal euthanasia, finding the gas causes distress in some mammals. Alabama proposes to fit a mask over Smith's face - similar to how an anesthesiologist would for surgery - and says there is little risk. But other medical experts say that in a hospital, you can usually assume the patient will be cooperative.

JK: This is no different from lethal injection, in that sense. Just as if you don't hold your arm still, it's harder to start an IV line, if you don't hold your head still, it's harder to get a seal. Regardless of the cooperation, we're not using medical experts, having an anesthesiologist fit the mask or titrate the nitrogen, someone who has done this hundreds and hundreds of times. This is why they've had botched lethal injections, and the lack of expertise will be no different now in terms of risk. The line you get from the prisons is that it will be peaceful and calm. But is the patient always going to be willing and have a beatific visage as they're doing this? No.

MC: Robert Jason Yong, an expert enlisted by Smith's defense team, warned that there could be vomiting or seizures, or even that the execution could fail, causing the person to go into a persistent vegetative state. What would a doctor do in that situation?

JK: If it happened in an operating room, they'd take off the mask and the whole thing would stop, and you get a medical evaluation to see how bad the vomiting was. Did they aspirate? Did any of it get into their lungs? But whoever is at the execution may not be trained to do that, and certainly won't be practiced at it. What percentage of people we're going to do this to will vomit? I don't know. Some. It's not going to be zero, I'll tell you. The assumption is often that this is going to go perfectly. But as with lethal injection, as more of these are done, everything that can go wrong will eventually.

MC: What else could go wrong with the mask?

JK: EMTs in ambulances will find someone with hollow cheeks, or who has taken their false teeth out, will have trouble forming a seal with a mask. Or talk to firefighters. If they're going to run into a burning building, they have to have their masks perfectly fitted, and it's not one-size-fits-all. A firefighter who gains or loses 50 pounds needs to get a new mask. They are not allowed to have facial hair because it interferes with the seal. So are we going to make sure the death row inmate gets a shave right before? Has anyone thought of that?

Alabama's protocol does not mention shaving, but in a court filing, a lawyer for the state wrote that if Smith is concerned about this, he can choose to shave himself. Smith's lawyers point out that if he prays aloud, his mask might slip.

MC: Why don't doctors play more of a role in executions? Your own organization has a code of ethics stating doctors should "not be involved in any aspect" of carrying them out.

JK: It goes back to the Hippocratic Oath that all physicians in the U.S. take when they graduate. Our job is to make people better. Executions are the antithesis of what being a medical professional is all about. And in medical ethics, one of the principles is that you don't do medical experiments on incarcerated people. This is an experiment being done on an incarcerated person.

MC: NPR reported that Alabama asked Smith's spiritual advisor to sign a waiver, acknowledging gas could leak from the mask and harm him. This is also true for the correctional officers, but what about the psychological risks they face with the new method?

JK: That's probably no different from lethal injection, or before that the electric chair, or cyanide, or even hangings or beheadings in the Middle Ages. Witnessing someone being killed will have profound psychological effects on some people, and nitrogen isn't going to make that better. It'll be no different from before.


Maurice Chammah wrote this article for The Marshall Project.

This collaboration is produced in association with Media in the Public Interest and funded in part by the George Gund Foundation.


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Advocates feel Connecticut and the nation can enact legal system reforms in 2025, ranging from ways to more humanely treat incarcerated people to increasing investments in communities, rather than in the criminal justice system.

In Connecticut, some advocates pushed for reforms to parole so it is not as punitive.

Wanda Bertram, communications strategist for the Prison Policy Initiative, said while similar reforms passed in New York, they have stalled in Connecticut.

"There hasn't been much movement on that in Connecticut," Bertram acknowledged. "I think that's less because these aren't winnable reforms, it's more because legislators don't see criminal justice consistently as a priority."

Overall, she feels criminal justice not being a priority for lawmakers is why reforms do not often pass in statehouses. Connecticut's 2024 legislative session ended without major criminal justice reforms passed. One of the few related bills to pass was House Bill 5524, which allocates $25 million to youth justice centers.

While many reforms were goals from previous years, Bertram noted they are reforms with long-term benefits. One is restoring voting rights for people with felony convictions who have been released from prison. Connecticut is one of several states to restore the right in recent years but she noted some of this year's defeats can affect achieving next year's goals.

"The nation's rightward turn and its election of Donald Trump and far-right congresspeople is somewhat of a defeat in and of itself," Bertram observed. "Because the ideologies that are being promulgated by those new electeds are explicitly violent with, for example, new support for the death penalty."

Despite this and other defeats from this year, she emphasized 2024 brought plenty of positives, including Massachusetts being the first state to ban life without parole for people younger than 21, the Federal Communications Commission establishing new phone rates for prisons, and several states providing funding for public defenders.


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The Wisconsin Innocence Project is ending the year with some key victories including helping with the release of two men who each spent decades in prison but the wins highlight a long-standing systemic problem.

David Bintz spent 25 years in prison and Manuel Cucuta spent 27 years in prison. Both were sentenced to life in prison, despite glaring holes in their cases.

Christopher Lau, associate clinical professor at the University of Wisconsin Law School and co-director of the Wisconsin Innocence Project, noted as remarkable as their releases have been, it speaks to a greater systemic issue coloring most of their cases and reinforces what it was designed to do.

"Part of this is just historical, the way our policing and incarceration system evolved was from basically their vestiges of slavery," Lau pointed out. "We try to keep down historically underrepresented people."

He acknowledged while not everyone may adopt such views, there is a lot of pressure to close cases and keep people incarcerated, evident by the fact the U.S. incarcerates more people for longer than any other developed country in the world.

Wisconsin's incarceration rate is 615 per 100,000 residents, a higher percentage of its population than almost any democratic country in the world. Compared with Wisconsin's total population, Black and Native people are overrepresented in the incarcerated population with Black people incarcerated at a rate 11 times higher than white people.

Lau argued in order to even begin to think about reform, the U.S. and the state of Wisconsin need to reexamine priorities and funding, as well as rethink the point of doling out such long sentences when it does not keep communities safer.

"I think there are good arguments that it makes us less safe," Lau observed. "But we still keep doing it because I think it's one, easy politically, and it's because it's where we put all of our money."

He added regardless of guilt or innocence, there are simply too many people who are incarcerated. Wisconsin is one of the few states to not ban juvenile life without parole sentences. Nearly 10% of the state's total life-sentenced population were juveniles when they were sentenced. The Wisconsin Innocence Project receives hundreds of requests per month and many are from juvenile offenders.


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Navigating the process of expunging criminal records can be overwhelming but for many, it is a critical step toward building a better future.

The Southern Coalition for Social Justice is making the journey easier with the release of the updated Umar Muhammad Clean Slate Toolkit.

Tanita Holmes, justice system reform counsel for the coalition, said the resource aims to help people determine their eligibility for relief and guides them through removing charges and convictions from their records. The goal? To provide a pathway to better economic and social opportunities.

"Having a criminal record can prevent these people from having employment," Holmes pointed out. "It can prevent them from having housing, unification and other benefits, state and private benefits and opportunities."

In North Carolina, nearly one in four people has a criminal record. Among them, around 60% remain unemployed within a year of release. Even those who manage to find work typically earn 40% less than their peers without a record.

Holmes said clean slate laws are essential for helping people with criminal records rebuild their lives. While North Carolina has made strides by expanding expungement laws to cover more misdemeanors, Holmes believes there is still more to be done. She argued there is a critical need to reduce barriers such as notary fees and improve access to resources.

"North Carolina could create better resources and access to judges, clerks and district attorneys," Holmes contended. "Because those are some of the people that you have to get in contact with and work with when you're getting an expunction."

Research shows clean slate laws in states such as California, Connecticut, Utah and Virginia have been effective in improving both public safety and economic outcomes, demonstrating the potential benefits of broader expungement policies.


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